Home Blog Page 208

PBI-Guatemala accompanies the Council of Communities of Retalhuleu water defenders at court hearing

On September 21, PBI-Guatemala posted:

“PBI accompanies the Council of Communities of Retalhuleu (CCR) in the hearing of the criminal proceedings against four people defending water. After more than four years of criminalization, the members of the CCR are still tied to the process and were given back the coercive measures to sign an assistance book every 30 days.”

Sugar exports to Canada

As seen in the chart below, Canada is one of the largest importers of sugar grown in Guatemala.

Chart by UN Comtrade Database.

An upcoming report with research produced by Research for the Front Lines will document how sugar grown on the South Coast of Guatemala is transported to Vancouver, Montreal and Toronto. 

One of the criminalized defenders, Abelino Mejia Cancino, has commented: “We need people to realize that when they consume sugar, it has an impact on the life of the communities and on the right to water for all. We call for the consumption of what is healthy and good produced by the campesinos and not products made by the big companies.”

PBI webinar with CCR water defender

On March 13, Abelino joined a PBI-Canada organized webinar on Defending the right to water from harm by the sugar industry in Guatemala.

The webinar was hosted by Toronto-based PBI-Canada Board member Marianna Tzabiras and also featured Brussels-based Kerstin Reemtsma from PBI-Guatemala.

You can watch the Facebook video of that webinar by clicking here. To hear the audio for Abelino’s introductory comments in English (a 14-minute audio file from the Zoom webinar), please click below.

Abelino also spoke about the ways in which accompaniment and solidarity can help in the struggle to uphold the right to water:

– “We ask that the international community watch very closely what happens. You can send diplomatic support for the hearings so that they see we do have support.”

– “There is a year-by-year certification process for the sugar mills. They need to visit not just the sugar mills, but the communities, that they come to see the rivers, they need to see the reality of the poverty the sugar cane industry is leaving here in our country.”

– “An international commission needs to come to verify the damage that has taken place. And to say if you aren’t going to protect the environment, we can’t buy your sugar.”

Kerstin added:

– “For people listening today, you can ask Canadian companies or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs how they guarantee in the supply chain respect for human rights because as I understand it this commitment does exist. How are they ensuring respect for human rights?”

Observation mission

In their most recent Bulletin, PBI-Guatemala noted: “We carried out an observation mission to the Retalhuleu and Champerico municipalities in March 2022, accompanying defenders from the Community Council of Retalhuleu (CCR) and the National Network for the Defense of Food Sovereignty of Guatemala (REDSAG).”

To read that article, please see: PBI-Guatemala carries out observation mission on extractivism and the right to water in Retalhuleu and Champerico.

The Peace Brigades International-Guatemala began accompanying the Council of Communities of Retalhuleu (CCR) in April 2020.

PBI speaks to the situation in Nicaragua at the Human Rights Council session in Geneva

On September 21, Kim-Mai Vu of Peace Brigades International presented to the 51st Session of the Human Rights Council at the UN in Geneva.

Our statement noted:

“We welcome the High Commissioner’s report on the human rights situation in Nicaragua and echo his concerns about the deterioration of the situation. Coinciding with its report, PBI has verified that in the last year the reduction of civic and democratic space in Nicaragua has deepened.

Nicaraguan human rights defenders face increasing restrictions to carry out their defense work. The arbitrary closures of civil organizations, through the cancellation of legal status, have increased in the last year, reaching the sum of 1,775 closed organizations, according to the records of the Nicaraguan Nunca Mas Human Rights Collective.

The persecution, threats and harassment against dissenting voices continue, which has forced thousands of people to resort to exile in conditions of risk and vulnerability. In Costa Rica, in the first 7 months of the year, 46,348 refugee applications were received from Nicaraguans, totaling 163,000 since 2018.

We are concerned about the increase in violence against Nicaraguan girls and adolescents. Nicaraguan feminist organizations and activists in exile have registered 34 murders of girls and adolescents since 2019. The situation of insecurity and lack of access to justice due to the deterioration of the State’s institutionality and the decrease in education, promotion and defense of rights due to the closure of civil society organizations, have a direct impact on the lives of women, girls and adolescents, as well as on the recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants.

The most recent incident at the beginning of this month was the femicide of two girls from the Miskito indigenous people, only 7 and 10 years old. The suppression of fundamental freedoms, through the enactment of arbitrary and discriminatory laws, has fueled widespread violence in civic space, in addition to the fragmentation of civil society.

We urge the international community to continue monitoring the human rights situation in Nicaragua and, in particular, the security and integrity of human rights defenders and the territories.”

The video of this presentation can be seen here (starting at 1:30:47).

 

CGL: “The tunnelling process under the Morice River is anticipated to last until the end of the year”

Photo of the drill pad site near Wedzin Kwa (Morice River) by Gidimt’en Checkpoint.

On September 21, The Tyee reported:

“Members of the Wet’suwet’en Nation who oppose the Coastal GasLink pipeline say they fear the company is about to begin drilling under the Morice River, known to Wet’suwet’en as Wedzin Kwa.

“We’ve been trying to protect the river for so many years,” Molly Wickham, a Gidimt’en Clan member whose Wet’suwet’en name is Sleydo’, told The Tyee this week. “It’s just really challenging to wrap your head around it and then to see the images of the drill and what’s going on there.”

According to Wickham, it appears that drilling equipment has been hauled into a worksite about 65 kilometres down the Morice Forest Service Road, southwest of Houston, B.C.

It’s there that TC Energy, the company building the 670-kilometre pipeline through northern B.C., intends to tunnel under the river.

Wickham said that on Sunday overhead photos of the site showed “something actually in the shaft” and all other equipment apparently in place for the work to get underway.

[TC Energy] did not respond to specific questions about when drilling would begin or if local Indigenous groups would receive prior notification.

“The tunnelling process under the Morice River is anticipated to last until the end of the year,” the company said. “The safety and security of our people, Indigenous and local communities, the public and the protection of the environment remain our primary focuses.”

Wickham said she and other pipeline opponents are frequently pulled over and ticketed by RCMP officers who patrol the Morice road. Some are arrested and charged with mischief, she added.

During one recent arrest, a vehicle was searched and a drone used to monitor pipeline activity was confiscated, she said. RCMP did not respond to The Tyee’s questions about the incident.

“It’s been a challenge to actually be able to monitor what is happening,” Wickham said. “They’ve provided us no information. They provided us less information about the drilling process than what they have on their website.”

On Tuesday, a spokesperson for B.C.’s Ministry of Environment and Climate Change Strategy said in an email to The Tyee that the project is not currently out of compliance with regard to its work at the drill site.

“The Environmental Assessment Office requires Coastal Gaslink to provide construction schedules to affected Indigenous nations,” the spokesperson said. “The EAO Compliance & Enforcement has assessed CGL’s process surrounding the Morice River portion of the project and has found them in compliance.””

To read the full article by Amanda Follett Hosgood, please go to A Pipeline, a River and an Indigenous Nation.

PBI-Honduras highlights its message to the UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights to safe drinking water and sanitation

On September 19, PBI-Honduras tweeted:

PBI before the UN Human Rights Council

“In Honduras, we are concerned about the complaints about the privatization of drinking water as well as the contamination and depletion of water sources as a result of extractive projects in Tolupan territory, such as in the Tepemechin and Locomapa plains, and in protected areas, such as in Guapinol and the Sierra de Agalta.“

On September 14, Kim-Mai Vu of Peace Brigades International presented at the United Nations in Geneva during the Interactive Dialogue with Pedro Arrojo, the Special Rapporteur on the human rights to safe drinking water and sanitation:

“In Honduras, we are concerned about the complaints about the privatization of drinking water, contamination and depletion of water sources as a result of extractive projects in Tolupan territory, such as Las Vegas de Tepemechín and Locomapa, and in protected areas, such as Guapinol and Sierra de Agalta. It is urgent to guarantee the protection of communities and organizations that defend the right to water.”

To watch the video of the presentation (at 1:18:39) click here.

Follow PBI-Honduras on Twitter.

PBI-Honduras highlights its message on transitional justice to the UN Human Rights Council

On September 21, PBI-Honduras posted:

PBI before the UN Human Rights Council

“In 2022, there are four key moments for the promotion and guarantees of transitional justice (in Honduras): the selection of the Supreme Court of Justice; the installation of the Commission against Impunity; the issuance of the resolution on “Fraud on Gualcarque” where the legal deadline has expired; and progress has been made in the agreement signed this February between the peasantry and the State for the resolution of the Bajo Aguan conflict.“

On September 16, Kim-Mai Vu highlighted at the United Nations in Geneva during the Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence:

“In Honduras, the 2009 coup led to an increase in human rights violations and serious attacks against defenders. We consider four key moments for the promotion and guarantees of transitional justice: the selection of the Supreme Court of Justice, the installation of a Commission against Impunity; the issuance of the resolution on “Fraud on the Gualcarque” where the term stipulated by law has expired, and the guarantee of progress in the agreement signed this February between organizations Peasant Women and the State in the Resolution of the Bajo Aguan Conflict.”

To watch the video of the presentation (at 1:42:57) click here.

Follow PBI-Honduras on Twitter.

Oscar Sampayo: “We have recorded at least 20 acts of human rights violations against voices that refuse fracking”

Photo: Oscar Sampayo.

Alerta Santanderes reports that “more than six pamphlets have circulated in recent months in the district of Barrancabermeja” threatening social leaders.

Environmental defender Oscar Sampayo says: “We have registered at least six collective threats by the AUC [paramilitary], in Barrancabermeja and Puerto Wilches in Santander; and in San Pablo and Cantagallo in Southern Bolivar. We have recorded at least 20 acts of human rights violations against voices that refuse fracking.”

The article highlights concern about the safety of Simona Vásquez who says that “her security scheme was withdrawn and she fears for her life.”

On May 9, Al Jazeera reported: “The [Magdalena Medio] area comprises the heart of Colombia’s petroleum industry, and the local town of Puerto Wilches has been selected for the country’s first fracking project, meeting strong resistance from locals and environmental groups. This opposition, in turn, has drawn threats from local armed groups.”

The article highlights: “Local environmental defenders and a representative of the JEP [Special Jurisdiction for Peace] said that they suspected a connection between the paramilitary groups intimidating them and the state-owned Ecopetrol, which is behind the fracking project. The company has been accused of having ties with the Gulf Clan [AGC] specifically.”

Photo: Carolina Agón.

On this PBI-Canada webinar in May 2022, Carolina Agón, a member of the CREDHOS human rights committee, stated: “This is not a secret. Ecopetrol has ties and is working hand in hand with the illegal armed groups.”

Carolina added: “We know that the companies are working together with the self-defence forces. We have the AGC and AUC working in our territory. I’ve received threats from both of these groups. I’m not sure which of these groups tried to kill me.”

Photo: Juan Camilo Delgado.

On that webinar, Juan Camilo Delgado of CREDHOS also commented: “It’s very concerning when we look at the historic relationship between the oil companies and organized illegal groups, specifically paramilitary structures, which has led to human rights violations and attacks against social leaders and environmental leaders from the municipality of Puerto Wilches.”

The Banking on Climate Chaos website reveals Toronto-based Scotiabank’s recent investments in Ecopetrol. Scotiabank provided USD $665 million to Ecopetrol in 2018, another $666.67 million in 2020, and $1.7 billion in 2021 for a total of $3.0 billion in financing.

Photo: The Scotiabank headquarters at 40 King Street West in Toronto.

Photo: Yuvelis Natalia Morales.

Yuvelis Natalia Morales of the Committee for the Defense of Water, Life and Territory (AGUAWIL) has commented: “When your [Canadian] companies and banks are investing in mining and energy megaprojects in other countries where human rights are being violated every day, you are not an environmentalist country, you are not a green country. I’m sorry to be so blunt. This is a reality that people don’t often want to say because when you open your mouth that could mean you are shot in the forehead.”

While the Colombian government seeks to ban fracking, Ecopetrol stated on September 13 that it had asked the National Hydrocarbons Agency (ANH) to “temporarily suspend the Kale and Platero contracts for a term of 90 days.”

Sampayo says: “We hope that Ecopetrol will go much further and align and support the policy of the current government of Gustavo Petro in which the implementation of this technique is rejected and hopefully Ecopetrol will make the decision to deliver, rather than ask for a suspension of 90 days, deliver and say no to the implementation of the technique in Colombia.”

We continue to follow this situation.

Photo: On June 28, 2022, PBI-Canada met with a PBI-Colombia accompanied CREDHOS convened meeting of social leaders in Puerto Wilches and heard their determination to stop fracking and to defend life, water and territory.

Further reading: Exile after the defense of the Magdalena River (by Karen Parrado Beltran in Mutante, September 13, 2022).

PBI speaks about enforced disappearances in Kenya, Colombia, Honduras and Mexico at Human Rights Council session in Geneva

On September 20, Kim-Mai Vu of Peace Brigades International presented at the United Nations in Geneva during the interactive dialogue with the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances.

PBI stated:

“PBI welcomes the report of the Working Group.

In Kenya, we express our concern about 36 enforced disappearances in 2021 documented by the Missing Voices network. It is alarming that there is no law in Kenya that criminalizes enforced disappearances. We emphasize the need for Kenya to ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances, which is part of the manifesto pledges of the new president.

In Colombia, we welcome the recent recognition of competence of the Committee on Enforced Disappearances to examine individual complaints and interstate communications, after years of insistence. We regret that Forced disappearances persist: For example, in Buenaventura, the largest port in the country, and involved in some 17 FTAs, since 2018 at least 800 people have been forcibly disappeared. We highlight the serious risk faced by women searing for the disappeared: it is essential to promote the Bill for the Comprehensive Protection of their rights. Likewise, the Prosecutor’s Office must seriously investigate the multiple and very serious attacks against relatives of the disappeared, such as the FNEB (Nydia Erika Bautista Foundation). Finally, it is urgent to convene the Selection Committee for the new director of the Search Unit for Disappeared Persons (UBPD) of the transitional justice system.

In Honduras, despite the request of the Inter-American Court, the forced disappearance of four Garífuna leaders from Triunfo de la Cruz in 2020 has not yet been clarified. We are concerned about the possible relationship between the disappearance and the failure to comply with the ruling of the Inter-American Court on land titles of the ancestral territories of the community.

In Mexico, Daniel Armando Guzmán Ramos was only 17 years old on 4 June 2012 when he was forcibly disappeared in Ciudad Jiménez, Chihuahua. The Paso del Norte Human Rights Center (PdN) reports that, according to the investigation file, the municipal police of Jiménez were involved in his disappearance, which would classify the case as an Enforced Disappearance. Although the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights Violations has Daniel´s case under their jurisdiction, it has yet to be recognized as an Enforced Disappearance even though ten years have passed since he was disappeared.”

The video of this presentation can be seen here (starting at 1:43:43).

Yellowhead Institute report highlights Canadian banks financing of companies that violate rights of Indigenous land defenders

In August 2022, the Toronto-based Yellowhead Institute released a 25-page report titled Redwashing Extraction: Indigenous Relations at Canada’s Big Five Banks.

Robert Houle, a member of the Wapsewsipi (Swan River) community on Treaty 8 territory, is the lead author of the report.

Excerpts from it include:

“The “Redwashing Extraction” research team analyzed the role that the Royal Bank of Canada, Toronto Dominion, Scotiabank, Bank of Montreal, and the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce have played financing resource extraction against the backdrop of their approaches to Indigenous relations more generally.

From 2016 to 2020, the total amount the Big Five Banks — RBC, TD, Scotiabank, BMO, and CIBC — invested into the resource extraction industry was $558 billion.

This is an industry — and an investment — that has a tremendous impact on Indigenous territories and people.

Scotiabank, like RBC and TD, is heavily invested in the resource economy; between 2016-2020, they invested $113 billion, in fact, including partnering with Enbridge Inc. and the much-maligned Transmountain Expansion Project [on unceded Secwepemc territory in British Columbia] headed by Kinder Morgan.

[In 2020, Scotiabank rejected a proposal by Harrington Investments that called on it to] fully respect all Human Rights, particularly the rights of Indigenous Peoples, including rights to water and lands and the right to Free, Prior and Informed Consent, as articulated in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples [and] prohibit all financing for projects and companies that abuse Human and Indigenous Rights.

Between 2016 and 2020, BMO invested just over $97 billion in resource extraction, notably, TC Energy Ltd. and Enbridge Inc. ($22 billion and $10 billion, respectively). These funds connect BMO to projects that rank among the most aggressive regarding Indigenous rights violations and conflicts. Namely, the Coastal Gas Link natural gas project in Wet’suwet’en territory and the Line 3 expansion into Northern Minnesota Anishinaabeg lands. These conflicts captured international headlines and drew attention to policing practices and how readily government and corporations take action to quell Indigenous opposition.

CIBC has reportedly contributed over $66 billion in financing to resource extraction companies.28 The largest recipients of CIBC funding were Enbridge Inc. and Suncor Energy Ltd. This places CIBC in step with the actions of the other Big Five and raises serious questions about the impact of these projects in Indigenous territories like Secwepemcúl’ecw and Wet’suwet’en.

Misdirection and misinformation continue to be the main tools for resource extraction companies and their funders to distract from how their projects may negatively impact Indigenous traditional territories.

Adding to these tactics is the sheer volume of resources and money at their disposal, those which far outweigh Indigenous land protectors and communities.

So, what tools exist to aid those on the front lines?

For the Big Five Banks, [the Thomas and Saik’uz First Nation v. Rio Tinto Alcan Inc court ruling] should signal to them that their past practices of relying on corporations who receive loans and governments who don’t adequately consult are potentially liability for engagement failures; and this liability is carried by all project proponents.

The proposal put forward to Scotiabank shareholders by Harrington Investments outlines one of the clearest examples of new avenues to evaluate projects, assessing risk, and safeguards to mitigate risk, for the Big Five Banks.

In reality, the Big Five Banks’ problematic lending practices and the lack of realistic re-examination of loans supports the ongoing violations of Indigenous peoples rights at places like Standing Rock, Wet’suwet’en yintah, and along the Transmountain Expansion.”

To read the full report, click on Redwashing Extraction.

Additional reading: Colombian environmental defenders express concerns about suspected links between Scotiabank-financed Ecopetrol and paramilitary groups.

PBI-Colombia amplifies article about women lawyers subjected to threats, attacks and intimidation

On September 19, PBI-Colombia tweeted:

“Female lawyers at risk [in Colombia]. Concern about threats, attacks and intimidation against women human rights defenders such as Andrea Torres Bautista of @nydia_erika, Alejandra Garzón of @dhColombia, Yessika Hoyos of @Ccajar who seek justice for victims without guarantees of protection.”

They were amplifying a tweet from La Abogacía Española (Spanish Lawyers) that says:

“The risk of being a lawyer in Colombia. @ProtectLawyers expresses concern about the attacks, threats and intimidation suffered by women human rights defenders in this country.”

More on this here.

More than 700 lawyers were killed in Colombia between 1991 and 2013. Between 2017 and 2019 at least three lawyers were killed, along with several attempted assassinations. Between 2017 and 2021, at least eight individual lawyers received death threats.

PBI-Colombia has accompanied the Nydia Erika Bautista Foundation (FNEB) and Associated Network of Human Rights Defenders (dhColombia) since 2016, and the José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers’ Collective (CCAJAR) since 1995.

PBI-Colombia accompanies CREDHOS at dialogue with Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights

On September 19, CREDHOS tweeted:

“#Credhos in dialogue with Sol Espinoza. Zuleima Rollon. Monserrat Solano Deputy Secretary of the OHCHR [Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights] and PBI on the serious human rights situation in the MM [Magdalena Medio] region and the risks that the communities and leaders run due to the escalation of the armed conflict, the strong presence of AGC [the Clan del Golfo paramilitary] and environmental effects.”

On May 9, Al Jazeera reported: “The [Magdalena Medio] area comprises the heart of Colombia’s petroleum industry, and the local town of Puerto Wilches has been selected for the country’s first fracking project, meeting strong resistance from locals and environmental groups. This opposition, in turn, has drawn threats from local armed groups.”

The article highlights: “Local environmental defenders and a representative of the JEP told Al Jazeera that they suspected a connection between the paramilitary groups intimidating them and the state-owned Ecopetrol, which is behind the fracking project. The company has been accused of having ties with the Gulf Clan [AGC] specifically.”

A JEP representative told Al Jazeera: “Many contractors and those connected to these [fracking] projects have links to illegal groups.”

On a PBI-Canada webinar in May 2022, Juan Camilo Delgado of CREDHOS commented: “It’s very concerning when we look at the historic relationship between the oil companies and organized illegal groups, specifically paramilitary structures, which has led to human rights violations and attacks against social leaders and environmental leaders from the municipality of Puerto Wilches [in the Magdalena Medio region].”

At this time, we also highlight the Banking on Climate Chaos website that documents Toronto-based Scotiabank provided USD $665 million to Ecopetrol in 2018, another $666.67 million in 2020, and $1.7 billion in 2021 for a total of $3.0 billion in financing.

We continue to follow this situation with concern.

PBI-Colombia has accompanied the Regional Corporation for the Defence of Human Rights (CREDHOS) since 1994.