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Canadian officials acknowledge lifecycle cost for 88 F-35 warplanes will be around $70 billion

Activists gathered on Parliament Hill on Saturday January 7 to reject Canada spending billions of dollars on new warplanes.

On Sunday January 8, the Government of Canada announced that Defence Minister Anita Anand would be holding a media conference on Monday January 9 “to update Canadians on the Future Fighter Capability Project”.

The Canadian Press now reports: “Anand says Canada is officially buying the F-35 fighter jet to replace its aging CF-18s, ending the years-long search where it first began. The government says Canada will ultimately buy 88 F-35s at an estimated cost of $19 billion, with the first aircraft to be delivered in 2026.”

The decision stands in contrast to the Liberal Party’s 2015 platform (on page 70).

In 2010, Stephen Harper’s Conservative government had announced it would buy 65 F-35 fighter jets for $9 billion.

Global News adds: “While the project budget is $19 billion, officials said in a technical briefing Monday morning that the cost estimate for the lifecycle of these fighter jets is expected to land around $70 billion.”

Le Journal de Montreal also notes: “National Defence estimates that the life-cycle cost of these aircraft over a 30-year period and all associated costs will be $70 billion. This includes maintenance costs and all equipment necessary for the proper functioning of the F-35.”

The Office of the Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO) will be beginning their cost estimate study today with a target publication date in the Spring.

Two years ago, the No Fighter Jet coalition estimated the cost would be $76.8 billion.

Video: Defence Minister Anita Anand speaks at virtual media conference.

Among the concerns still to be addressed:

– The government says new fighter jets are needed to protect “our northern skies”. The report One Dead Pilot: Single-Engine F-35 a Bad Choice for Canada’s Arctic says the F-35 is “problematic for use in Canada’s Arctic and extensive maritime zones.”

– The Department of National Defence (DND) has stated as its justification for the purchase: “As Russia’s illegal and unjustifiable invasion of Ukraine demonstrates, our world is growing darker and more complex.” NATO currently has a fleet of 3,527 fighter jets.

– DND also now argues “replacing the current fighter fleet with the future fighter fleet will not have an adverse impact on the environment.” The F-35 burns about 5,600 litres of jet fuel per hour and has a lifespan of 8,000 hours.

– Canada’s CF-18 fighter jets have flown an estimated 1,598 bombing missions over the last 30 years. DND claims that it has no information about any civilian casualties from these bombings. Prior to becoming prime minister, Justin Trudeau criticized the Harper government for its “lack of openness and transparency” on Canadian military engagements.

Further reading: Canada finalizes agreement to purchase new fighter jets for Royal Canadian Air Force (Public Service and Procurement Canada, January 9, 2023).

See also this article by David Pugliese.

What role does Export Development Canada play in promoting extractivism in Colombia?

How much financing does Export Development Canada (EDC) provide to Canadian oil and gas corporations operating in Colombia? What does that money specifically support? How does it impact on human rights and the safety of environmental defenders?

How compliant is EDC with its Environmental, Social and Governance (ESG) policies? Do these policies need to be strengthened?

These are important questions to answer.

Peace Brigades International has expressed the concern that: “The activities of [public development banks] have repeatedly exacerbated poverty, widened inequalities and fuelled human rights violations (such as reprisals, land grabbing and forced evictions) without access to any useful remedies for affected communities.”

Export Development Canada (EDC) is Canada’s public development bank.

In October 2021, The Toronto Star reported: “EDC, the government’s export credit agency, says it provided financing and insurance that helped facilitate $62 billion in business for Canadian oil and gas companies from 2015 to 2020.”

Earlier that year, Oil Change International had also noted: “EDC currently provides oil and gas companies with an average of over CAD 13 billion in support each year.”

What do we know about the relationship between EDC and Canadian oil and gas companies operating in Colombia?

In June 2019, Gustavo Galvis, EDC’s Chief representative for the Andean, Central American, Caribbean region in Bogotá, uncritically highlighted: “At one point, Canada was one of the largest investors in [the oil and gas] sector in Colombia. One of the reasons is because there’s a lot of similarities between the Alberta foothills and the Colombian geography. Canadian operators feel comfortable with the industry and today, some of the most important companies in exploration and production in Colombia are Canadian.”

Natural Resources Canada has reported that at $8 billion in 2018, Colombia was second largest location for Canadian Energy Assets Abroad (CEAA).

In a May 2022 PBI-Canada webinar, Bronwen Tucker of Oil Change International highlighted: “Since 2012, Export Development Canada has given CAD $1.4 billion in government backed loans to oil and gas in Colombia. This is 44 per cent of all G20 international public finance for energy in Colombia in this period.”

Tucker also shared this slide during the webinar of the top recipients of EDC financing in Colombia between 2012 and 2020. 

As we will see later, Pacific changed its name to Frontera Energy in 2017.

In an April 2021 PBI-Canada webinar, Karen Hamilton from Above Ground also noted EDC’s support for oil and gas operations in Colombia.

She said that Parex, Gran Tierra, Canacol and Ecopetrol had all received support from EDC over the past five years. Notably, Parex is the top company receiving support: six loans of between $250 and $475 million (EDC doesn’t disclose specific amounts).

Those loans to Parex include: $50-100 million (27-05-2019): $50-100 million (22-02-2019); and $25-50 million (07-05-2018).

Hamilton also highlighted: “EDC doesn’t disclose what the companies will use the loans for commercial confidentiality reasons.”

The Above Ground report Bringing Accountability and Transparency to Export Development Canada’s Practices (November 2018) also noted: “Frontera (formerly Pacific E&P) received an EDC loan in 2014 for its oil operations in Colombia. The following year its operations at one oilfield were suspended by Colombia’s Constitutional Court, which found that the company had violated the rights of an indigenous community.”

Human rights concerns have also been noted in these PBI-Canada articles about Canacol (and their interest in fracking), Parex (and the risk the company poses to the Ibagué aquifer), Frontera (and their criminalization of social leaders in San Luis de Palenque), Gran Tierra (and the violation of Indigenous rights in Putumayo), and Ecopetrol (and their suspected links with paramilitary groups that have threatened opponents of fracking).

Photo: A community blockade in 2016 protested against the ConocoPhillips/Canacol Picoplata 1 fracking project near San Martin, Cesar.

Photo: PBI-Canada visits with social leaders who have been criminalized by Frontera Energy in San Luis de Palenque, July 1, 2022.

Emerging concerns

Gustavo Petro, the new president of Colombia, has vowed to stop issuing new permits for oil exploration, but respect existing contracts for exploration and exploitation.

Notably, before Petro took office on August 7, 2022, the previous president, Ivan Duque, oversaw the issuing of 69 new exploration blocks between 2019 and 2021. Portafolio has reported that with 26 blocks of those blocks going to Parex, 5 to Canacol Energy Ltd. (which operates as CNE Oil and Gas in Colombia), 4 to Gran Tierra Energy and 4 to Frontera Energy, 39 of the 69 blocks went to four Canadian companies.

Petro has also called for “a transition from an economy of death to an economy of life,” saying that “we cannot accept that the wealth and foreign exchange reserves in Colombia come from the export of three of humanity’s poisons: petroleum, coal, and cocaine.”

As his government navigates this transition, what role will EDC play?

EDC and hydroelectric dams in Colombia

Beyond these concerns, EDC has also been implicated in the financing of the controversial Hidroituango dam. This dam is being built in northwest Antioquia by the Colombian state-owned utility Empresas Públicas de Medellín (EPM).

In 2016 and 2017, EDC provided EPM with financing totalling between 500 million and one billion dollars. The Rios Vivos movement in Colombia has stated: “Since its launch in 1997, this megaproject has been imposed by violence and the forced displacement of the population, victims of the armed conflict.”

The Globe and Mail has also reported that Brookfield was one of the largest recipients of EDC financing between 2001 and 2018.

In January 2016, Toronto-based Brookfield Asset Management bought a majority share (57.6 per cent) in the Colombian power generation and distribution company Isagen (and its Sogamoso hydroelectric dam). Euractiv has reported: “The Sogamoso dam in northern Colombia, [is] where, between 2009 and 2014, six activists have been killed and many more disappeared without a trace.”

We remain attentive to all of these concerns.

Photo: On November 5, 2019, PBI accompanied a meeting at the Ottawa office of EDC where Colombian human rights defenders from CREDHOS and the CCALCP legal collective expressed concern about EDC support for oil and gas operations in Colombia, notably Calgary-based Parex Resources.

Further reading:

Canada to cut subsidies to unabated fossil fuel projects as Colombia supports carbon capture (November 5, 2021)

Colombian communities raise concerns about Canadian-owned Hidrosogamoso dam’s impact on fish mortality (December 29, 2022)

PBI-Guatemala accompanies Human Rights Law Firm (BDH) at hearing for former Army specialist accused in #CasoDiarioMilitar

On January 6, PBI-Guatemala posted:

“PBI accompanies the Human Rights Law Firm at the hearing in the #CasoDiarioMilitar for the review of coercive measures against Rone René Lara, Sergeant Major Specialist of the General Archive and the retired Presidential Major Staff Support Service. Because the defense attorney failed to carry the complete required documentation, the hearing was suspended.”

 

Prensa Comunitaria also tweeted:

“The lawyer for former army specialist Rone René Lara argues that due to his client’s advanced age and his suffering from senile dementia, he does not represent a flight risk. He requests that he be granted a special benefit due to his condition of vulnerability.

The lawyer requests that the ex-soldier, linked to crimes against humanity, be granted: house arrest, obligation not to leave the country and sign the book once a month. In addition, analyze a possible financial surety.

The Public Ministry argues that Rone René Lara should be evaluated by doctors, to determine if he really has a condition. It considers it inappropriate to grant substitute measures.

The representative of the @PDHgt [National Institute of Forensic Sciences of Guatemala] joins the request of the [Public Ministry] for Rone René Lara to be evaluated by [the National Institute of Forensic Sciences of Guatemala] INACIF, while the [Mutual Support Group] recalls the crimes committed against 195 people and points out that there are reasonable indications about Lara’s involvement.

Rone René Lara, known as ‘el carnitas’, was a specialist sergeant major in the Guatemalan army. He was accused of attempted murder and crimes against the duties of humanity to the detriment of Álvaro René Sosa Ramos.

The Diario Militar reports more than 195 victims. It contains 183 specific files, with the details of their capture, the place of the event and what happened later with each one of them. Lara would have participated in these crimes.

Judge Rudy Bautista declares inadmissible the request made by the defender of Rone René Lara. When your health reports are available, they can be analyzed again. For now, she considers that the circumstances have not changed and that there is a risk of flight.”

FAMDEGUA also tweeted: “Judge Rudy Bautista resolves: NO PLACE to what was requested by the defense attorney regarding the granting of alternative preventive detention measures of a humanitarian nature and vulnerability in favor of Rone René Lara alias ‘El Carnitas’.”

Verdad Justicia similarly tweeted: “Judge Rudy Bautista DENIES alternative measure to Rone René Lara, sent to trial for crimes against humanity duties and attempted murder in the absence of evidence that the original circumstances have changed.”

PBI-Guatemala has been accompanying the #CasoDiarioMilitar court hearing process that began in May-June 2021.

Photo by El Pais.

Amnesty International calls for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) to leave Wet’suwet’en territory

Photo: On January 7, 2023, PBI-Canada was present as activists in solidarity with the Wet’suwet’en struggle held this banner on Parliament Hill in Ottawa.

On January 6, Amnesty International issued this statement: “Four years on from the first large-scale police raid on Wet’suwet’en territory, Indigenous land defenders in Canada are still experiencing serious human rights violations as the construction of the Coastal GasLink (CGL) pipeline continues on their unceded, ancestral and traditional territories.”

It adds: “Wet’suwet’en land defenders, Hereditary Chiefs and matriarchs are frequently harassed, intimidated, forcibly removed and criminalized by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) and CGL’s private security guards for peacefully defending their unceded, ancestral and traditional lands.”

It then quotes Wet’suwet’en land defender Sleydo’: “Indigenous peoples have always been criminalized for being who we are and standing up for the yintah. British Columbia and Canada thought they wiped us out or assimilated us enough so they wouldn’t have to use guns to control us anymore. But just like we survived genocide, we survive their militarized raids year after year because we understand the necessity to protect our way of life and life itself.”

Dr. Zosa De Sas Kropiwnicki-Gruber, Director of Research, Advocacy and Policy of Amnesty International Canadian Section (English Speaking), says: “The Canadian government and CGL must immediately withdraw security and policing forces from Wet’suwet’en territory. Their presence severely limits the ability of Wet’suwet’en people to exercise their rights over their traditional territories. All allegations of harassment, intimidation, threats and forced evictions of Indigenous and other land defenders on traditional and unceded Wet’suwet’en territory must be investigated immediately.”

The full Amnesty International statement can be read at Canada: Indigenous land defenders criminalized, surveilled and harassed as pipeline construction continues on Wet’suwet’en territory (January 6, 2023).

Stand.earth has documented: “RBC is among top commercial banks providing the CGL project with working capital, including CAD $275 million in project finance, a co-financed $6.5 billion loan, a $40 million corporate loan, and $200 million in co-financed working capital – while acting as financial advisor for the pipeline.”

Decolonial Solidarity is supporting the Wet’suwet’en struggle by calling on the Royal Bank of Canada (RBC) to divest from Coastal GasLink (CGL).

Photo: RCMP raid on Wet’suwet’en territory, January 7, 2019. Photo by Michael Toledano.

Photo: A land defender is tackled to the ground by an RCMP officer on January 7, 2019. Photo by Jesse Winter/Star Metro.

Photo: January 8, 2019, the day after the first RCMP raid on Wet’suwet’en territory. Photo by Sean Kilpatrick/Canadian Press.

Guapinol River defenders Aly Dominguez and Jairo Bonilla opposed to EMCO-Los Pinares mining project murdered in Honduras

Bufete Justicia para los Pueblos (Justice for the Peoples Law Firm) has tweeted:  “Aly Domínguez was part of the group acquitted after presenting himself voluntarily in 2019 after being criminalized by MP [the Public Ministry] and [the companies] EMCO-Los Pinares. We regret the murder of him and Jairo Bonilla, both defenders and parents. Our deepest condolences to their families and to the CMDBCPT [Municipal Committee in Defense of Common and Public Goods of Tocoa].”

Libertad Para Guapinol (Freedom for Guapinol) has also tweeted: “Alert to the murder of defenders Aly Dominguez and Jairo Bonilla from #Guapinol. We express our deep condolences to their families and demand an independent investigation to clarify the facts.”

Their statement says:

“Aly, brother of our colleague Reynaldo Domínguez, is also one of the 32 people criminalized by the mining company Inversiones Los Pinares and the State of Honduras for defending the Carlos Escaleras National Park against its illegal mining project.

Defenders of territory in the region face constant threats and harassment. Despite the multiple complaints and warnings we have made about the increased risk we face, state authorities refuse to guarantee the physical integrity of communities at risk for defending their water and territory from the illegal mining project. Nor do they put an end to environmental pollution caused by mining in a national protected area.

In view of the murder of the defenders, we express our deep condolences to their families and demand an independent investigation to clarify the facts.

To the government of Xiomara Castro, we demand the immediate cancellation of mining licenses in the Montaña de Botaderos Carlos Escaleras National Park that cause death and that it take urgent measures to guarantee the physical safety of defenders in Tocoa.“

Once Noticias also reports: “Users on social networks revealed that the victims were recognized environmental leaders who worked for the defense of the Guapinol River. It also transpires that both deceased were constantly persecuted, stigmatized and marginalized by a mining company, allegedly interested in exploiting the natural resources of the area, which is considered protected.”

We express our deep regret about the murders of Aly and Jairo.

Aly’s brother Reynaldo recently participated in a Peace Brigades International advocacy tour in the United Kingdom and Europe.

Canadian Defence Department says it has conducted an environmental impact assessment on its purchase of F-35 warplanes

Global News reports that Jessica Lamirande, a spokesperson for the Department of National Defence, says that an assessment has been conducted on the “environmental impact” of F-35 fighter jets that includes the “planned capture of emissions”.

The article by Montreal-based reporter Gloria Henriquez notes: “The government says they have conducted an assessment of the jets’ environmental impact, concluding that it would be the same as those of the existing CF-18 aircraft.”

It then quotes Lamirande who says: “In fact, they may be lower as a result of reduced use of hazardous materials, and planned capture of emissions. The analysis supports the conclusion that replacing the current fighter fleet with the future fighter fleet will not have an adverse impact on the environment.”

This report does not appear to be public yet, but the claim is at odds with other commentary in the media about the F-35.

Pounds of fuel

The US Air Force says that the F-35 has an internal fuel capacity of 18,498 pounds with a range of “more than 1,350 miles with internal fuel”. In comparison, an F-18 has an internal fuel capacity of 14,400 pounds and a ferry range of 2,070 miles.

These numbers suggest the F-35 carries more fuel but has a shorter range.

Fuel consumption per hour

In November 2019, the National Interest reported: “Norwegian environmentalists are complaining that the country’s new F-35s, which will replace Norway’s aging fleet of F-16 fighters, will generate too many greenhouse gases.”

The Norwegian newspaper Dagsavisen noted: “Average fuel consumption for the new fighter jets is estimated to be as much as 60 percent higher than for today’s fighter jets. For each flight hour, there is 5,600 liters for the F-35, compared to 3,500 liters for the F-16.”

How does this compare with the Canada’s CF-18 fighter jets?

SOFREP has reported: “The Hornet burns approximately 1,100 gallons of jet fuel in an hour.” Converted into litres, that’s about 4,164 litres per hour. It has also been suggested that the average fuel consumption for the CF-18 is 3,500 litres per hour.

Either estimate of CF-18 fuel consumption (3,500 or 4,164 litres per hour) is lower than the F-35 fuel consumption rate (5,600 litres per hour).

Total amount of fuel to be used

Each F-35 is supposed to have a service lifetime of 8,000 hours. One could estimate that 88 fighter jets (the number Canada intends to buy) x 8,000 hours x 5,600 litres of fuel an hour amounts to 3,942,400,000 litres of fuel.

As for Canada’s current fleet, The Fiscal Analysis of the Interim F-18 Aircraft produced by the Parliamentary Budget Officer states: “Petroleum, oil and lubricant costs are calculated by combining historical burn rates per flying hour with costs per litre and projecting total costs over the assumed flight profile of 160 hours per aircraft per year.”

It then notes: “On a non-risk-adjusted basis, …petroleum, oil and lubricant costs are estimated at $102.5 million before accounting for price risk.”

These figures, though they don’t address the issue of greenhouse gas emissions, give important insight into the billions of dollars in costs beyond the $19 billion purchase price the government has stated.

Carbon dioxide emissions in tons

Peter Chow has noted in Sault Online: “At the very least, each F-35 can be expected to annually emit 48.76 tons of Carbon Dioxide.”

He also notes each F-35 would annually emit: “1.63 tons of Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs); 1.62 tons of Carbon Monoxide; 1.30 tons of Nitrous Oxide; 13.26 tons of Sulphur Dioxide; 3.26 tons of large particulates; 3.16 tons of small particulates.”

Transparency is needed

Under the Paris Agreement reached at the COP21 climate summit in Paris in 2015, militaries lost their automatic exemption, but were not obligated to cut their emissions and reporting on those emissions was left to the discretion of individual states.

Author Jonathan Cook has also commented: “All too often the figures are disguised – lumped in with emissions from other sectors, such as transport.”

For instance, this article in The Conversation notes: “Canada reports its emissions under multiple IPCC categories, reporting military flights under general transport, and energy for bases under commercial/institutional emissions.”

$525 million for low carbon hangars?

The Global News article also notes: “As for the environmental aspect, Lamirande added the department is taking steps to reduce the potential impacts of the project, such as designing their new facilities as energy-efficient and net-zero carbon.”

Canada’s CF-18s are currently stationed at Canadian Forces Base (CFB) Cold Lake in Alberta and CFB Bagotville in Quebec.

The government has previously announced that $21.3 million will be spent on the design of the hangars – $9.2 million for 4 Wing Cold Lake and $12.1 million for 3 Wing Bagotville.

And according to Defence Construction Canada: “The total value of the contract [to build the hangars] is approximately $525 million—$272 million for a 34,500 square metre facility in Cold Lake and $253 million for a 22,000 square metre facility in Bagotville.”

Canadian government should disclose the numbers

Media reports suggest that the Canadian government may have already signed a $7 billion contract with Lockheed Martin for 16 F-35s.

But the public does have a right to know the environmental impact of the F-35 (including the environmental impact of bombing).

Stephen Kretzmann of Oil Change International has stated: “The atmosphere certainly counts the carbon from the military. Therefore we must as well.”

Questions continue about civilian casualties resulting from Canadian airstrikes in Iraq and Syria

Photo: A CF-18 over Iraq, March 4, 2015.

Ottawa Citizen journalist David Pugliese reports on Canadian military participation in a U.S. military team code-named Talon Anvil responsible for launching tens of thousands of bombs and missiles that killed hundreds of civilians in Iraq and Syria.

His full article can be read at Canadian special forces involved in U.S. military team accused of killing scores of innocent people in Iraq, Syria.

Pugliese notes: “One Canadian special forces soldier was part of the 20-member team in 2015 while other Canadian military personnel played a supporting role or were briefed on its activities, according to documents obtained by this newspaper as well as information provided by military sources.”

While he adds “it is unclear what role, if any, Talon Anvil played in Canada’s airstrikes on Islamic State forces,” he highlights “Canadian CF-18 fighters conducted 251 airstrikes from Oct. 30, 2014 to Feb. 15, 2016. At total of 606 bombs were dropped, mostly on targets in Iraq.”

Reports of civilian casualties

Pugliese notes: “Independent investigators and human rights groups have estimated that at least 7,000 civilians were killed by coalition airstrikes in Iraq and Syria.”

An internal Pentagon document obtained by CBC’s the fifth estate has also revealed that CF-18s may have killed up to 27 civilians during an airstrike on Iraq in January 2015.

That document says: “[Canadian Joint Operations Command Legal Advisor] opinion is that, under the Law of Armed Conflict (LOAC), there are no obligations for the [Royal Canadian Air Force] to conduct an investigation.”

In October 2015, the CBC also reported: “Canadian fighter planes have now been connected to a second airstrike in Iraq that has been reviewed by the Pentagon for possible civilian casualties, CBC’s the fifth estate has learned.”

Furthermore, the Canadian Press reported in September 2012 that: “[CF-18 fighter jets] eventually flew 10 per cent of all NATO strike missions [in Libya].” In May 2012, Human Rights Watch reported: “NATO air strikes [on Libya] killed at least 72 civilians, one-third of them children under age 18. To date, NATO has failed to acknowledge these casualties or to examine how and why they occurred.”

Transparency and accountability

CNN has reported that the US Defense Department produces an annual report on civilian casualties. And Aljazeera adds: “Before launching air strikes, the US military must navigate elaborate protocols to estimate and minimize civilian deaths.”

Just months before he became Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau commented on CF-18 airstrikes: “One of the things that has been consistent from [the Harper] government has been a lack of openness and transparency, even on issues as important as our engagements around the world with Canadian military forces.”

While Trudeau did withdraw CF-18s from U.S.-led coalition combat missions in Iraq and Syria in November 2015, other Canadian airplanes – notably a Polaris refuelling plane – remained and helped facilitate further coalition airstrikes.

As the Canadian government prepares to spend $76.8 billion on F-35 warplanes, it is legitimate to demand greater transparency on the casualties that have resulted from the 1,598 bombing missions conducted by CF-18s over the past 30 years.

Federal and provincial governments have spent $50 million on RCMP C-IRG repression of land defence struggles

Photo: RCMP raid on Wet’suwet’en territory, January 7, 2019. Photo by Michael Toledano.

Ottawa-based CBC journalist Brett Forester reports: “An RCMP squad charged with policing resistance to resource extraction in British Columbia spent nearly $50 million enforcing injunctions obtained by the petroleum and forestry sectors in its first five years, an internal accounting shows.”

Forester highlights: “The figures, released to CBC News under access-to-information law, offer the first publicly available, if rough, estimate of the costs incurred by Community-Industry Response Group (C-IRG).”

And he comments: “Formed in 2017, the C-IRG has no defined territorial jurisdiction, an unknown number of members, and no set budget. It goes where industry meets land occupations, blockades and civil disobedience. The unit says it needs this flexible mandate to respond to unpredictable protests, but critics fear the C-IRG received a blank cheque and little oversight from governments.”

To read his full article, go to RCMP has spent nearly $50M on policing pipeline, logging standoffs in B.C.

CBC has previously reported: “Provinces and territories pay 70 per cent of the cost of the RCMP’s operations in their jurisdictions, with the federal government contributing the remaining 30 per cent.”

This suggests the Canadian government may have funded $15 million of the policing of these land defence struggles against extractivism.

The Environmental Defence report PAYING POLLUTERS released in April 2021 highlighted: “A particularly egregious form of fossil fuel subsidy are investments made into policing Indigenous land defenders opposing fossil fuel infrastructure.”

It adds: “For example, over $13 million was spent last year on the Royal Canadian Mounted Police to ‘protect’ the Coastal GasLink pipeline – which took the form of harassing Wet’suwet’en Nation community members who oppose the pipeline.”

Calls to abolish the RCMP and C-IRG

On November 23, 2021, Wet’suwet’en land defender Sleydo’ emerged from four days in police custody following the RCMP raid on her territory that enabled the continued construction of the Coastal GasLink pipeline without free, prior and informed consent.

She said: “C-IRG and the RCMP need to be abolished. Anybody who is not into prison abolition should be after this experience that we’ve had.”

A year later, on November 24, 2022, the BC Federation of Labour unanimously passed a resolution calling for the C-IRG to be disbanded.

We continue to follow this issue.

 

Criminalization of land defenders continues as 4th anniversary of RCMP raid on Wet’suwet’en territory approaches

Photo: A land defender is tackled to the ground by an RCMP officer on January 7, 2019. Photo by Jesse Winter/Star Metro.

Tomorrow, January 7, marks the 4th anniversary of the 2019 raid by the RCMP against Wet’suwet’en land defenders resisting the Coastal GasLink fracked gas pipeline being built on their territory without free, prior and informed consent.

The Tyee has reported: “By mid-morning on Jan. 7, the police had arrived. Beyond the barricade, at least two-dozen RCMP and industry vehicles lined the road. Two snipers were in place. Amidst screaming and the sound of helicopters circling overhead, [Wet’suwet’en land defender Molly] Wickham [also known as Sleydo’] leaned her back against the gate and sank to the ground. She thought she might throw up.”

Photo: Molly Wickham, left, sings a traditional song in protest as the RCMP prepares to breach a checkpoint on Gidimt’en territory. Photo by Jesse Winter/Star Vancouver.

One week after that raid, RCMP Assistant Commissioner Eric Stubbs, now the Chief of the Ottawa Police Service, promised at a media conference a review of the action.

He said: “As with any major operation, we will be conducting an after action review, that will produce recommendations to address any issues or concerns.”

In response to a follow-up question from a reporter, Stubbs said: “Certainly, in terms of the actual document being available versus us doing perhaps a press release or press conference to discuss some of the results … that’s yet to be determined.”

Video: Stubbs at media conference, January 14, 2019.

Stubbs also stated at that media conference: “Initially, the primary role of those officers deployed over the barricade was to make the situation safe so the gate could be safely removed by the company, as per the order.”

Stubbs did not reveal at that time that RCMP was prepared to use lethal force against Wet’suwet’en land defenders and apprehend their children.

The Guardian later reported: “Notes from a strategy session for a militarized raid on ancestral lands of the Wet’suwet’en nation show that commanders of Canada’s national police force, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), argued that ‘lethal overwatch is req’d’ – a term for deploying an officer who is prepared to use lethal force.”

“The RCMP commanders also instructed officers to ‘use as much violence toward the gate as you want’ ahead of the operation to remove a roadblock which had been erected by Wet’suwet’en people to control access to their territories and stop construction of the proposed 670km (416-mile) Coastal GasLink pipeline (CGL).”

The article also notes: “The RCMP were prepared to arrest children and grandparents: ‘No exception, everyone will be arrested in the injunction area,’ a document reads. Another makes reference to possible child apprehension by social services – a troubling disclosure given the violent history of residential schooling in Canada and the disproportionate number of Indigenous children currently in the child welfare system.”

What were the findings of the “after action review” promised by Stubbs on January 14, 2019? If conducted, it does not appear to be publicly available.

But The Guardian article, published on December 20, 2019, almost a year after the raid, reports: “An RCMP spokesperson declined to comment on the specific content of the documents [that say “lethal overwatch is req’d”, to “use as much violence toward the gate as you want” and “No exception, everyone will be arrested in the injunction area”].”

That first raid on January 7, 2019, was also followed by raids on February 6-10, 2020, and November 18-19, 2021 (that included the arrest of two journalists), and constant RCMP surveillance of Wet’suwet’en territory.

Photo: RCMP assistant commissioner Eric Stubbs, left, and deputy commissioner Jennifer Strachan at media conference about enforcement actions, February 5, 2020.

These actions happened despite the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) passing a resolution on December 13, 2019, calling on the RCMP to leave Wet’suwet’en territory and the British Columbia Civil Liberties Association (BCCLA) writing Stubbs on February 6, 2020, highlighting concerns about Wet’suwet’en rights.

Following his appointment as the Chief of the Ottawa Police Service in October 2022, Stubbs commented: “I enjoy working with the Indigenous communities, I’ve done it a lot and I’ll continue to do so in Ottawa.”

But Grand Chief Stewart Phillip, the president of the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs, says: “He would go through the motions of listening … and went ahead and authorized the brutal actions that were undertaken. And in my view, in his attitude was arrogant.”

In its construction update posted on December 21, 2022, Coastal GasLink notes that construction of the pipeline continues near the Gidimt’en village.

Meanwhile, CBC has reported 13 land defenders face criminal contempt proceedings in relation to the RCMP arrests on November 18-19, 2021.

One of those facing criminal charges is Wet’suwet’en land defender Sleydo’.

On November 23, 2021, after four days in custody in a provincial jail in Prince George, she stated: “C-IRG and the RCMP need to be abolished. Anybody who is not into prison abolition should be after this experience that we’ve had.”

Video of RCMP officers smashing down a door and arresting Sleydo’ and others at gunpoint on November 19, 2021.

We continue to follow this situation with concern.

PBI-Guatemala accompanies members of the Maya Ch’orti’ Indigenous Council of Olopa criminalized by mining company

On January 5, PBI-Guatemala posted: “#PBI accompanies 4 criminalized members of the Maya Ch’orti’ Indigenous Council of Olopa in the presentation hearing. They were put on trial for allegedly committing the crime of unlawful detention during a peaceful mobilization. Court granted them house arrest.”

CALDH has also tweeted: “In June 2022, a group of 6 leaders were sent to an oral and public debate for the same case.”

At that time, June 6, 2022, Prensa Comunitaria tweeted that member of the Olopa Indigenous Council “are criminalized by the mining company Cantera de los Manantiales”.

That Twitter thread further explains: “They were denounced in 2015 for opposing the entry of machinery into the municipality, without consulting 14 communities, which organized in resistance that same year.”

On June 6, 2022, PBI-Guatemala also posted: “#PBI accompanies 6 criminalized defenders of Olopa in the intermediate phase hearing. The six are part of a legal process against 38 defenders of the territory and members of the Maya Ch’orti’ Indigenous Authorities of Olopa and Quezaltepeque accused by workers of a company of having illegally detained them. The judge ruled that these workers cannot become plaintiffs in the case. In addition, he agreed that the defendants can be represented by their lawyers at the next hearing so as not to miss work. The hearing to offer evidence follows on Friday.”

Prensa Comunitaria has explained: “The mining project is rejected by the population and various organizations that claim that the communities were never consulted about its installation and has caused serious damage to the environment.”

In February 2022, Prensa Comunitaria also tweeted a short video with the caption: “Jesús Méndez from the San Nicolás indigenous community of #Quezaltepeque, affirms that they accompany the 6 indigenous authorities of #Olopa accused by the Los Manantiales mining company because they are defending the land of their ancestors.”

PBI-Guatemala has also noted: “The Maya Ch’orti’ Indigenous Authorities of Olopa and Quezaltepeque are fighting for recognition as indigenous communities, the recovery of their spirituality, the defense of their territory and the right to free, prior and informed consultation before the entry of mining projects into their territory.”

PBI-Guatemala began accompanying the Maya Ch’orti’ Indigenous Authorities of Olopa and Quezaltepeque in June 2021.