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PBI-Guatemala accompanies Human Rights Law Firm at hearing for former soldier and police officer accused in the #CasoDiarioMilitar

On February 1, PBI-Guatemala posted:

“PBI accompanies the Human Rights Law Firm (BDH) to the hearing of the review of coercive measures for Malfred Orlando Pérez Lorenzo and Jacobo Salán Sanchez. Following the plea of the defense of the accused for crimes of duty against humanity, enforced disappearance, murder, the judge granted substitute measures to the two, allowing them house arrest.”

Prensa Comunitaria further reports:

“The decision of Judge Rudy Bautista that benefited retired Colonel Jacobo Esdras Salán Sánchez and former police officer Malfred Orlando Pérez Lorenzo with house arrest, generated indignation from relatives of the victims present at the hearing and caused bewilderment in the lawyers of the plaintiffs who consider the measures inopportune.

In a hearing to review measures, the substitute judge of the High Risk Court B, Rudy Bautista, benefited with alternative measures Salán Sánchez and Pérez Lorenzo, accused of crimes of forced disappearance, murder, attempted murder and duties against humanity, who will have to pay a bail of Q 6,000 and go every end of the month to the Human Rights Prosecutor’s Office, to sign the measurement control book.

After the hearing, relatives of victims said: “there is no justice, Mr. Judge” and “the judge will be responsible if they do not return to Court.” A relative of a missing person went to Salán Sánchez and shouted: “39 years ago you were in my house putting a gun on me.”

Video: “39 years ago you were in my house pointing a gun at me!”

The events that are judged occurred between 1983 and 1985, when according to the investigation of the Public Ministry (MP) a clandestine structure of the State arrested and disappeared people who belonged to insurgency groups. The information of these victims was found in the intelligence document called Diario Militar, where some appear with annotations such as “Pancho took him” or “300”, a code that, according to experts, implies that the victim was killed.

Santiago Choc, a lawyer representing the Association of Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared of Guatemala (Famdegua), one of the plaintiff organizations, said that what Judge Bautista decided contradicts the evidence presented at the previous hearing by the lawyers and the MP, who argued that it was not appropriate to grant them house arrest, since the defendants are in stable health.”

That article can be read in full at Juez beneficia a acusados del Diario Militar con arresto domiciliario; víctimas expresan indignación.

PBI-Guatemala has been accompanying the #CasoDiarioMilitar court hearing process that began in May-June 2021.

Photo by El Pais.

Cost to build Coastal GasLink pipeline increases to $14.5 billion; TC Energy also building controversial pipeline in Mexico

Photo: The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) arrest Wet’suwet’en Dzeke ze’ (chief) and land defender Freda Huson for her opposition to the Coastal GasLink fracked gas pipeline being built on her territory without consent. Photo by Amanda Follett Hosgood.

The cost of the Coastal GasLink fracked gas pipeline – being built by Calgary-based TC Energy on Wet’suwet’en territory in northern British Columbia without free, prior and informed consent – continues to increase.

CBC reports: “Coastal’s costs are now up 30 per cent to C$14.5 billion, from the project’s previous estimate of C$11.2 billion, which was already raised by 70 per cent in July from the initial budget [of C$6.2 billion in 2018]. …Costs could increase by another C$1.2 billion if construction extends well into 2024, TC added.”

The article notes one of the reasons for increased costs is “poor work by contractors”. This is particularly worrisome as the company drills under Wedzin Kwa. The Canadian Press adds the company has experienced “unexpected events like drought conditions and erosion and sediment control challenges.”

One of the costs not factored into this is the public subsidy to the RCMP Community-Industry Response Group (C-IRG) that has repressed, harassed and criminalized Wet’suwet’en land defenders opposed to the pipeline. The C-IRG has received more than $27.6 million since 2018 for this intervention on Wet’suwet’en territory.

PBI-Canada is organizing a webinar on Tuesday February 21 to help amplify the call for the abolition of the C-IRG. To register for that, click here.

TC Energy to sell some assets to pay for CGL pipeline

Reuters also reports: “TC is looking to sell C$5 billion worth of assets this year to raise funds to repay debt and pay for projects including Coastal.”

In December, Reuters noted: “The sales may reassure the market that TC will not need to issue common equity to raise funds in light of Coastal’s cost over-runs and a deal in August to develop a $4.5 billion pipeline in Mexico, RBC analyst Robert Kwan said.”

Opposition to TC Energy in Mexico

The “$4.5 billion pipeline” refers to the TC Energy Southeast Gateway Pipeline (Gasoducto Puerta al Sureste), announced in August 2022, that will carry 1.3 billion cubic feet per day of natural gas and serve as an additional power source for the new state-owned Pemex Olmeca Dos Bocas oil refinery in Paraiso, Tabasco state.

By September 2023, that refinery is expected to process 340,000 barrels per day of crude oil and yield 280,000 barrels per day of gasoline and diesel.

Bnamericas has reported: “In a letter signed by 18 civil society organizations, including Greenpeace México, and coordinated by the Mexican center for environmental law (CEMDA), the group said the project posed a ‘grave risk’ of environmental damage, given that the pipeline route passes through the gulf’s 600km southwestern coral reef corridor.”

The PBI-Mexico accompanied People’s Front in Defense of Land and Water of Morelos, Puebla and Tlaxcala signed the letter against this pipeline.

Nahua land defender Miryam Vargas Teutle with the Peoples Front in Defence of Land and Water in Morelos, Puebla, Tlaxcala (FPDTA).

TC Energy has five fully owned pipelines currently operating in Mexico and is the largest Canadian investor in Mexico.

One of those pipelines is the Encino-Topolobampo pipeline that was successfully resisted by the San Elías Repechique Forest community who fought for the pipeline to be rerouted away from the ancestral territory of the Rarámuri in Chihuahua.

The PBI-Mexico accompanied Community Technical Consultancy, A.C. (CONTEC) supported the community in its opposition to this pipeline.

Rarámuri land defender Teresa González Parra.

TC Energy was also building the stalled Tuxpan-Tula pipeline resisted by the Otomi peoples because it would cross the sacred hills of the Pahuatlán region in the state of Puebla.

In December 2021, the research team that prepared Territories of water: defense of community areas and the shared history of their peoples (before the Tuxpan-Tula gas pipeline) presented this report to the Otomi, Nahua and Tepehua communities grouped together as the Regional Council of Indigenous Peoples in Defense of the Territory of Puebla and Hidalgo.

At that time, Des Informemonos reported: “The people of the Regional Council accepted and celebrated the document, and pledged to continue their fight, and eventually to establish links with the Wet’suwet’en communities that resist TC-Energy in Canada.”

We continue to follow this situation.

Photo: On April 23-24, 2022, PBI-Mexico accompanied the conclusion of the Caravan for Water and Life in the Nahuatl community of Cuentepec. The caravan/march that expressed opposition to the TC Energy Tuxpan-Tula gas pipeline was launched at the National Meeting of Struggles Against Gas Pipelines and Death Projects in January 2022 (a gathering that was also accompanied by PBI-Mexico).

Ottawa Police called to student protest demanding the University of Ottawa end its partnership with the Royal Bank of Canada

On January 31, Decolonial Solidarity Ottawa posted on Instagram:

“We leafleted today with students from the University of Ottawa’s Climate Justice group (@cjcuottawa) protesting RBC’s funding of the CGL pipeline on Wet’suwet’en Territory. And CJCUO launched a petition demanding the university end their partnership with RBC, kick the RBC kiosk off campus and end the bank’s sponsorship of campus activities. We handed out 100+ leaflets while RBC shut down the kiosk and called campus & RBC security as well the Ottawa police.”

In their Instagram post announcing the petition, Climate Justice Climatique UO (CJCUO) and Banking on a Better Future highlight: “RBC funds pipelines that violate Indigenous sovereignty, including the Coastal Gaslink Pipeline and the Trans Mountain Expansion.”

And the petition states:

“RBC predominantly finances the Coastal Gaslink Pipeline and underwrites the Trans Mountain Pipeline. These are both projects that violate the principles of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent under the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Coastal Gaslink Pipeline does not have the consent of the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs who have recognized jurisdiction over part of the territory it would cross. The Trans Mountain pipeline does not have consent from local First Nations including the Squamish and Tsleil-Waututh and faces ongoing opposition by the Secwepemc Tiny House Warriors.”

The petition can be read in full – and signed – here.

This comes just a few weeks after an important vote.

On November 29, 2022, CJCUO and Banking on a Better Future posted on Instagram:

“STUDENT WIN: University of Ottawa Student Union votes to cut ties with RBC! This Saturday, students at the University of Ottawa voted unanimously for the student unions club service to cut ties with RBC, noting ties between RBC, fossil fuel expansion and violations of Indigenous rights. Solidarity with student organizers! RBC off our campuses! No banks on our campuses!”

For more on the Climate Justice Climatique UO (cjcuottawa) on Instagram, click here. More about Decolonial Solidarity – Ottawa Hub on Twitter here.

PBI-Colombia accompanies Nomadesc, Justice and Peace at meetings in Buenaventura with Canadian Embassy

On January 31, PBI-Colombia tweeted:

“We accompany @Nomadesc [the Association for Research and Social Action] at a meeting with @CanadayColombia and leaders of Buenaventura. They shared about the control of armed groups in river basins and the humanitarian crisis they are suffering. Also, that companies acquire their land illegally to sell carbon credits.”

PBI-Colombia adds:

“In a meeting with leaders of the Naya Community Council who are accompanied by @Justiciaypazcol [Inter-Church Commission on Justice and Peace] they shared the situation of abandonment that they find on the part of the institutionality. They have high hopes in the face of Total Peace but there is still great control by armed actors.”

Earlier in the day, Nomadesc also tweeted:

“In meeting #PalenqueElCongal @renacientes [the Black Communities Process (PCN) Buenaventura office, Palenque el Congal] with @CanadayColombia and @PBIColombia territorial authorities and @Nomadesc They carry out x-rays of the socio-environmental, economic and armed conflict in Buenaventura and propose steps to overcome #humanitarianemergency threat and persecution.”

They also tweeted:

“Legal clarification of the territories, prior free and informed consultation, care and defense of nature, collective protection, strengthening of autonomy and empowerment of women, urgent and necessary steps to walk towards #TotalPeace #InYurumanguiWeAreMissing”

The Yurumanguí is a river in Buenaventura.

“Companies acquire their land illegally to sell carbon credits”

On July 4, 2022, NOMADESC, a Canadian labour delegation, PBI-Colombia and PBI-Canada also attended a meeting with the Black Communities Process at the same office in Buenaventura and heard about displacement, forced disappearances, “free trade” and a forest-related carbon offset scheme (as noted in the PBI-Colombia tweet above).

Tangara REDD+

This may refer to the TANGARA REDD+ project.

As noted here: “The project TANGARA REDD+ is the only project that is developed on private land to the south of the bay of Buenaventura, in the Valley of the Cauca, Colombia, and aims to protect 8.558 hectares of tropical moist forest. Its name is a homage to one of the main species of fauna that are protected through the activities of this project: the bird tanager.”

It reportedly started in 2010 and its “year of validation” was 2018.

Bajo Calima y Bahía Málaga REDD+

There is also the Bajo Calima y Bahía Málaga project.

The International Database on REDD+ projects and programmes provides some details about the Bajo Calima y Bahía Málaga (BCBM) REDD+ Project.

In July 2021, the FTX Foundation Group said it had “publicly committed to spending a minimum of $1 million this year to offset the environmental impact of cryptocurrency mining and storage” and had “already purchased over $1 million (or 100,000 tons) in carbon offsets through two organizations, BurnStoves and Pachama” and that Pachama “allows corporations to buy forest based carbon offsets from projects around the world” including the “Bajo Calima y Bahía Málaga project in Colombia”.

The “reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation” (REDD+) programme has been denounced by many climate justice groups as a “false solution” to the climate crisis. The Swift Foundation has explained: “REDD schemes have denied Indigenous Peoples their territorial and legal rights, leading to food insecurity, illegal land grabs, the increase of monoculture farming, and invasive stakeholders.”

We continue to follow the issues raised in these meetings.

Further reading: Global Biodiversity Framework to be discussed in Montreal amid concerns about Afro-Colombian ancestral rights and title (August 2022)

PBI-Mexico joins the call for forcibly disappeared environmental defenders Ricardo Lagunes and Antonio Díaz to be returned alive

On January 30, PBI-Mexico tweeted: “See our January 2023 Bulletin: Starting the year with challenges for the defense of human rights. We underline the disappearance of #human rights defenders Antonio Díaz Valencia and Ricardo Lagunes Gasca. We join the call for their appearance alive.”

They also recently tweeted: “Alarm for violence against #Defenders in #Mexico. In the first 20 days of 2023, there have been 4 murders 12 arbitrary arrests and #RicardoLagunes and #AntonioDíaz have been disappeared in a context of opposition to the mining extractivist model #AppearanceNow”

And their bulletin notes:

“2023 has begun with significant challenges for human rights defenders in Mexico, including the forced disappearance of human rights lawyer Ricardo Arturo Lagunes Gasca and Professor Antonio Díaz Valencia, leader of the indigenous community of Aquila, Michoacán. It should be noted that Ricardo currently carries out legal accompaniment in the indigenous community of Aquila, where there is a great mining activity that is generating great impacts in the area.

PBI joins the voices that demand the appearance of both defenders alive, and that all instances of the government and international institutions be present in Mexico to guarantee the right to defend human rights and the security and integrity of individuals, communities and defense organizations.“

Two weeks ago, The Guardian reported: “Fears are mounting for the safety of two missing Mexican land rights activists after their vehicle was found ridden with bullet holes.”

The article continues: “Ricardo Arturo Lagunes Gasca, a human rights lawyer and environmentalist and Antonio Díaz Valencia, leader of the Aquila Indigenous community in Michoacán, were last seen on Sunday evening travelling toward the neighbouring state of Colima after attending an anti-mining community meeting.”

And it notes: “Lagunes, a high profile environmental and land rights lawyer who has faced multiple death threats over the years, is representing the Aquila community against mining operations which have generated a myriad of environmental, health and social harms.”

The Protection Mechanism for Human Rights Defenders and Journalists has been notified given Lagunes had protection measures.

This petition demanding their safe return also highlights: “It should be noted that Ricardo currently carries out legal accompaniment in the indigenous community of Aquila, where there is a great mining activity that is generating great impacts in the area.”

While a mining company is not named in any of the news reports, we are mindful of the level of Canadian mining activity in Mexico. Reuters has reported: “Nearly 70 percent of foreign-owned mining companies operating in Mexico are based in Canada, according to Global Affairs Canada, the country’s combined foreign and trade ministry. The value of Canadian mining assets in Mexico totaled C$19.4 billion ($14.4 billion) in 2015.”

In September 2022, Global Witness documented that 200 land and environmental defenders had been killed worldwide in 2021.

Their report specified: “Mexico was the country with the highest recorded number of killings, with defenders killed every month, totalling 54 killings in 2021, up from 30 the previous year. …Over 40% of those killed were Indigenous people, and over a third of the total were forced disappearances.”

We join with PBI-Mexico, accompanied defenders and many others to call for the safe return of Ricardo Lagunes and Antonio Díaz Valencia.

Killing of land defender Tortuguita in the United States could draw attention to the role of police foundations in Canada

Photo: Tortuguita with their nephew in 2020. Photo provided by Daniel Esteban Paez via the Associated Press.

Manuel Esteban “Tortuguita” Páez Terán was killed by Georgia police on January 18. They were 26 years old, Indigenous Venezuelan, queer and nonbinary, “a trained medic, a loving partner, a dear friend, a brave soul, and so much more.”

Tortuguita was living in the Weelaunee Forest southeast of Atlanta, Georgia in opposition to the proposed “Cop City” training facility.

Organizer-writer-lawyer Kamau Franklin has explained:

“Cop City is an idea that came after the 2020 uprisings, by the city of Atlanta, the Atlanta Police Department and the Atlanta Foundation — the Atlanta Police Foundation. The idea, basically, is that they want to develop a militarized police base that’s right next to a Black and Brown working-class community. And by building this base, they want to cut down over a hundred acres of forest. They want to develop an area where there is room for explosive testing — explosives testing, over 12 firing ranges, a place where there’s a Black Hawk helicopter landing pad, a training center for them to practice crowd control.”

The Atlanta Police Foundation

Forbes has also explained:

“In September 2021, then-Atlanta mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms approved a lease agreement with the Atlanta Police Foundation to establish a police and fire department training facility, which will use over 85 acres of land in a local Atlanta forest, making it one of the largest police training facilities in the U.S. APF is a nonprofit organization, which uses private money to support policing efforts in various ways, like funding citywide surveillance cameras and founding a police leadership institute.”

Teen Vogue further explains:

“The Atlanta Police Foundation, a nonprofit that serves as the funding arm for many of the Atlanta Police Department’s projects and supplements the city’s already bloated policing budget, has led the charge on Cop City, whether promising the majority of funding ($60 million of $90 million total), selecting the Weelaunee Forest as the site of the proposed facility, or using its corporate backers to pressure city leadership to move forward with the plan despite widespread public opposition.”

And NBC has reported:

“City officials have said the training center would be funded in part by the Atlanta Police Foundation through “philanthropic and corporate donations”… According to an investigation by NBC affiliate WXIA, 80% of the foundation’s money comes from private donations, and the foundation’s board of trustees includes executives from Waffle House, AT&T, Delta Air Lines and other companies.”

LittleSis.org has also published the image below in their article: Meet the Major Corporations and Cultural Institutions Helping Build Cop City in Atlanta.

Enbridge funding of Minnesota police

It should be noted that funding provided (through an escrow account) by a Canadian energy company has also resulted in violence against land defenders in the U.S.

In October 2021, The Guardian reported that Calgary-based Enbridge Inc. paid Minnesota police $2.4 million in reimbursements, as Democracy Now! host Amy Goodman has noted for “all costs tied to the arrests and surveillance of hundreds of water protectors, including officer training, wages, overtime, meals, hotels and equipment for the local police.”

Ojibwe water protector Tara Zhaabowekwe Houska tweeted: “Rubber bullets bought and paid for by Enbridge.”

Police foundations in Canada

Almost three years ago, journalist Martin Lukacs and researcher Tim Groves highlighted the dynamic in Canada with their article: Private Firms Pour Millions into Militarizing Police via Charities (The Tyee, August 24, 2020).

They name several donors to police foundations including LNG Canada and the Royal Bank of Canada (to the Vancouver Police Foundation) and Enbridge, Cenovus and Canadian Natural Resources Ltd. (to the Calgary Police Foundation).

Their article highlights:

“Canadian police forces have received millions of dollars from oil companies, banks and financiers, through shadowy charitable foundations that have little public oversight and increasingly serve as a “cash cow” of private money. These police-affiliated organizations based in large cities across Canada have funded helicopters, armoured vehicles and surveillance technology for police departments, as well as many community and youth-oriented programs, according to an investigation by The Tyee.”

Lukacs and Groves: “The VPD’s armoured vehicle carried a price tag of $350,000, most of it paid with charity dollars raised by the Vancouver Police Foundation, topped up by Vancouver taxpayers.”

RCMP Heritage Centre fundraising

Earlier this year, the Canadian Press reported: “Prime Minister Justin Trudeau promised during the 2019 election campaign that the Liberals would expand the RCMP Heritage Centre, which is currently operated by a charitable organization, into a national institution. …The centre has spent years advocating to gain national museum status, which would require the federal government to amend the Museums Act. National museums operate as Crown Corporations and have their operating costs covered by Ottawa.”

(National museums in Canada include the Canadian Museum of History which has been criticized in the past by 350.org for its sponsorship agreement with the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers.)

The RCMP Heritage Centre has also explained: “With excitement building around the 150th anniversary of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and supported by a mandate to commemorate this significant part of Canadian history, the RCMP Heritage Centre is advancing plans to become Canada’s newest national museum.”

“To prepare for the path ahead,” it also recently advertised for a Fund Development Associate whose tasks would include: “Research public and private grant agencies, foundations, corporations and individuals to identify potential sources of grant, sponsorship and major gift or donation funding.”

Photo: Teepee with RCMP logo on it outside the RCMP Heritage Centre.

How will the story of the C-IRG be told?

The RCMP Heritage Centre has noted: “There are many proud chapters in the RCMP story, and others that are intensely painful. By acknowledging the struggles of the past, the Museum will offer the chance for visitors to reflect, hear from diverse perspectives, and learn about Canada’s history and its future.”

But how would the story of the Community-Industry Response Group (C-IRG) be told by the Heritage Centre or the new national museum?

The RCMP says:

“The Community-Industry Response Group (C-IRG) was created in 2017 to provide strategic oversight addressing energy industry incidents and related public order, national security and crime issues. Its mandate is to ensure a consistent, standardized and impartially administered police response across the province. The C-IRG uses a measured approach in facilitating the peaceful resolution of public disorder issues. They proactively engage all stakeholders through open communication and meaningful dialogue.”

Wet’suwet’en land defenders have a different experience to tell about the C-IRG.

At a Decolonial Solidarity event in Montreal in December of last year, land defender Sleydo said: “The RCMP, the private mercenaries for industry and governments, the Community-Industry Response Group.”

She has also stated: “We want to live free on our lands, without the constant threat of violence by C-IRG, who are illegally occupying Gidimt’en territory.” 

On November 23, 2021, Sleydo’ emerged from four days in police custody following the heavily-armed RCMP raid on her territory that enabled the continued construction of the RBC-financed Coastal GasLink pipeline without free, prior and informed consent. She said: “C-IRG and the RCMP need to be abolished. Anybody who is not into prison abolition should be after this experience that we’ve had.”

We continue to follow this.

PBI-Colombia notes AGC paramilitary pamphlet that threatens the ACVC, CREDHOS and CSPP

On January 28, PBI-Colombia tweeted: “In a pamphlet circulating through social networks dated January 27, signed by the AGC [the Gaitanista Self-Defense Forces of Colombia/Gulf Clan paramilitary], ‘directors and representatives’ of various organizations #MagdalenaMedio including @ACVCRAN @Credhos_Paz @CSPP_ are declared a military objective. Investigations and guarantees are urgent”

PBI-Colombia accompanies ACVC (Small-Scale Farmer Association of the Cimitarra River Valley), CREDHOS (Regional Corporation for the Defence of Human Rights) and the CSPP (Committee of Solidarity with Political Prisoners).

ACVC has tweeted: “We reject threats to our organization by the paramilitary group AUTODEFENSAS GAITANISTAS.”

And the CSPP has tweeted: “The threats against our members continue. After the pamphlet, photos of our headquarters and its members arrived at their phone numbers.”

The ACVC has also posted:

“[We] reject any act that threatens life, social and community organization and the construction of peace in the territories.

Faced with this threatening situation, we demand:

1-To the competent authorities to investigate and find those responsible for the pamphlet that circulates through social networks dated January 27…

2-The Colombian state to fulfill its constitutional duty to provide all guarantees and immediately implement sufficient protection measures for threatened social and popular leaders who fight tirelessly for peace and our communities.

3-To adopt, as a matter of urgency, sufficient protection measures for the collective of our peasant social organization.

4-We alert the international community to the imminent danger against the members of our peasant organization and the social leaders of the region.”

We continue to follow this situation.

PBI-Guatemala accompanies Human Rights Law Firm to hearing of police accused of the extrajudicial killing of three Q’eqchi’ defenders

On January 27, PBI-Guatemala posted:

“PBI accompanies to the Human Rights Law Firm to the hearing of the #SamocochCase that since January 19, started the oral and public debate against 23 members of the National Civil Police [PNC]. They are charged with offences related to excessive use of public force, failure of duty and the death of three Q’eqchi’ community members during the eviction of a roadblock in the community of Samococh, Chisec municipality, Alta Verapaz.

The facts go back to what happened in August 2014, when 29-year-old Sebastian Rax Caal, 40-year-old Luciano Can Cujub and 22-year-old Oscar Chen Quej lost their lives.”

LaHora.gt reports: “Almost three years late for the trial against 23 agents of the National Civil Police (PNC) to begin, on January 19, 2023, the High Risk Court “B” held the first hearing of the aforementioned oral and public debate.”

That article adds: “The process has been postponed since February 2020. The reasons for the suspensions were the following: COVID-19, absence of lawyers, lack of a sworn translator [for those who] speak the Qʼeqchiʼ language, among others.”

PBI-Guatemala has previously explained: “More than 20 PNC officers are accused of extrajudicial execution, non-compliance with duties and abuse of authority for having caused the death of three Q’eqchi’ community members from Samococh village in Chisec, Alta Verapaz, during a demonstration [on August 15, 2014].”

Truthout has also explained: “In Monte Olivo, the state used its full force against the community. On August 14, 2014, 600 police units were deployed to evict a community of a few hundred families along the River Dolores. …In the following days, two other communities, 9 de Febrero and Samococh, both faced similar violent evictions to make way for the dam. These communities were driven out by 1,600 police units, and 22 community leaders were detained.”

That article also notes: “The Guatemalan-based company Hydro Electrical Santa Rita S.A., owned by the elite López-Roesch family, first proposed the Santa Rita hydro project in 2009. The powerful and influential cement company Cementos Progreso, owned by the Guatemalan Novella family, is reported to also have interests in the project.”

Prensa Libre further notes: “The confrontation occurred when dozens of police tried to evict peasants who had blocked the road from Chisec to Raxruhá, Alta Verapaz, to prevent the transfer of two leaders of the Peasant Development Committee [CODECA].”

“The PNC agents who arrived came from Cobán, where the Public Ministry successfully evicted some 160 families who were occupying the Santa Rita and Santa Rita Xalahá Canguini farms. In the first community [Santa Rita], families lived to avoid the construction of a hydroelectric plant [that lacked their free, prior and informed consent].”

That article adds: “The PNC tried to capture local leaders Rafael Chub and María del Carmen del Cid, which generated discontent among the residents and the confrontation.”

We have previously highlighted this trial in this article: PBI-Guatemala accompanies law firm at hearing of police officers accused in the death of 3 Q’eqchi’ community members (July 6, 2021).

We continue to follow this.

CIDH-IACHR issues follow-up report on June 2021 visit to Colombia, recalls its recommendation on the ESMAD riot squad

Photo: On June 10, 2021, PBI-Colombia was present as the CIDH-IACHR went to the Portal Resistencia during their working visit to Colombia.

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH-IACHR) has presented a follow-up report on the recommendations it made following its three-day working visit to Colombia on June 8-10, 2021, during the national strike protests.

On January 27, PBI-Colombia tweeted this thread that begins:

“@CIDH presents #today a report on what the Colombian State has done to comply with the recommendations after his visit #NationalStrike2021 in which he verified police abuse and protest stigmatization ‘The outlook is one of widespread non-compliance’”

Reuters also now reports: “Colombia has made substantial progress on only three of 28 actions recommended by a regional human rights body to protect the right to protest after deaths during demonstrations in 2020 and 2021, the [IACHR says].”

The article continues: “After the protests, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) made 41 recommendations to protect Colombians’ right to demonstrate and tackle the underlying causes of their discontent.”

That report with 41 recommendations can be read here.

Reuters adds: “In its first follow-up report on Friday, the IACHR examined progress on the 28 recommendations concerning the right to protest, finding that substantial compliance had been achieved on three, partial compliance on 14 and no compliance on 11.”

That follow-up report can be read in full here.

The Spanish news agency EFE also reports: “The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) will create an ‘institutionalized follow-up mechanism’ in Colombia to review the progress of the recommendations issued by that body for the violence that occurred in the social protests of 2021.”

It adds: “The mechanism will have the participation of civil society and the Colombian Government itself, which, in the words of the deputy minister, will seek to ‘produce structural changes’ that guarantee non-repetition.”

The ESMAD

EFE also highlights: “Among the recommendations issued at the time by the IACHR were the separation of the National Police and its Mobile Anti-Riot Squadron (ESMAD) from the Ministry of Defense; the accountability of the State security forces and the development of comprehensive reparation programs for victims, among others.”

In fact, the ESMAD is referenced 64 times in the 140-page follow-up report.

On the recommendation of separating the ESMAD and police from the Ministry of Defense, El Tiempo now further explains in their article about the IACHR report that was “in order to ‘guarantee a structure that consolidates and preserves security with a citizen and human rights approach, and avoids any possibility of military perspectives.’”

Many PBI-Colombia accompanied defenders have also called for the dismantling of the ESMAD. More on those demands and what the Petro government has promised at: Where does the promise to dismantle the Colombian riot police ESMAD unit now stand?

In the coming weeks we will be interviewing Oscar Ramirez of the PBI-Colombia accompanied Committee of Solidarity with Political Prisoners (CSPP). Watch for that podcast (our first podcast!) coming soon.

#DesmonteDelESMAD #DismantleTheESMAD

Organizations denounce police killing of forest defender Tortuguita in Georgia, USA

Atmos reports: “In what is believed to be the first case of a land defender killed in the U.S. for their activism, a Georgia State Patrol trooper killed 26-year-old Manuel Esteban Páez Terán on Jan. 18. But Páez Terán wasn’t known as Manuel to most people; their chosen name was Tortuguita, or Tort, which translates to Little Turtle in Spanish.”

Tortuguita was living in the Weelaunee Forest southeast of Atlanta, Georgia in opposition to the proposed “Cop City” training facility.

Organizer-writer-lawyer Kamau Franklin has explained:

“Cop City is an idea that came after the 2020 uprisings, by the city of Atlanta, the Atlanta Police Department and the Atlanta Foundation — the Atlanta Police Foundation. The idea, basically, is that they want to develop a militarized police base that’s right next to a Black and Brown working-class community. And by building this base, they want to cut down over a hundred acres of forest. They want to develop an area where there is room for explosive testing — explosives testing, over 12 firing ranges, a place where there’s a Black Hawk helicopter landing pad, a training center for them to practice crowd control.”

Among the organizations that have denounced on social media the murder of Tortuguita:

Political leaders in the United States are now supporting the call for an independent investigation of the murder of Tortuguita.

For updates on this situation, please see the Twitter accounts for Defend the Atlanta Forest, Kamau Franklin and Steven Donziger.

And for more background and analysis on this, please see Atlanta Police Kill Forest Defender at Protest Encampment Near Proposed “Cop City” Training Center (Democracy Now, January 20), ‘Assassinated in cold blood’: activist killed protesting Georgia’s ‘Cop City’ (The Guardian, January 21) and The Death of a Forest Defender at “Stop Cop City” (Truthout, January 26).

The Daily Show video can be seen here.