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PBI-Guatemala accompanies the commemoration of the National Day of Dignity of the Victims of the Internal Armed Conflict

On February 25, PBI-Guatemala posted on social media:

“Today #PBIacompanies the march for the Day of Dignity of Victims of Internal Armed Conflict which honors the memory of loved ones missing and killed by the military in the war. The protesters remembered their lives and claim their struggles for land, community development and peace.”

EFE reports: “500 people [marched] in the main streets of Guatemala City on Tuesday in commemoration of the National Day of Dignity of the Victims of the Internal Armed Conflict, which is celebrated every February 25.”

The march went from the Supreme Court of Justice (CSJ) to the Plaza de las Niñas.

That article also highlights: “Hundreds of Guatemalan indigenous people, survivors and relatives of victims of the internal armed conflict (1960-1996) denounced that in recent years justice processes for war crimes have regressed, and demand that the government of President Bernardo Arévalo de León comply with the peace agreements.”

And it quotes Feliciana Macario, a member of the national platform of victims of the armed conflict who identifies as a Quiché Maya, who says: “The state has a commitment to the surviving families and it is a day to demand that they have not complied with the peace agreements after 40 years.”

Photo: PBI-Guatemala at the commemoration.

Prensa Comunitaria adds: “Approximately 200,000 people [were] murdered and 45,000 disappeared by the military dictatorships that sowed terror in the country from 1960 to 1996.”

Of those victims identified in the U.N.-sponsored Historical Clarification Commission, 83 percent were indigenous Maya. 93 percent of these human rights violations were carried out by government forces.

That article further notes: “During the activities, the Achi’ women, Ixil women and the grandmothers of Sepur Zarco; the National Coordinator of Widows of Guatemala (Conavigua), the Association of Relatives of Detainees of Guatemala (Famdegua), the Mutual Support Group (GAM), the Association of University Students (AEU), the Human Rights Office of the Archdiocese of Guatemala (ODHAG), Sentinels for the Dignity of the State, the Civil Association Truth and Life, and other organizations that make up the National Platform of Victims of the CAI, denounced the indifference of the Government of Bernardo Arévalo – who received massive support from the indigenous communities of the highlands – with the survivors and their families.”

Macario is also quoted in this article and says: “It has been more than 5 years without a single measure of reparation being delivered to the victims of the Internal Armed Conflict. Meanwhile, a budget expansion was approved to continue paying the military who participated in the crimes of the past.”

And Emisoras Unidas Digital also notes: “In this context, [Macario] indicated that they are demanding that President Bernardo Arévalo urgently approve the governmental agreement to create the National Plan for Dignification and Reparation, as well as the plans to search for missing persons. It is also necessary for the justice system to reverse the resolutions in cases related to the conflict where those involved in atrocious acts have benefited.”

We continue to follow this.

PBI-Canada says that the RCMP C-IRG that criminalizes and violates the rights of land defenders should be disbanded

Video still: Land defender Shaylynn Sampson arrested on Wet’suwet’en territory by RCMP C-IRG officers, November 2021.

On February 18, CBC reported that British Columbia (BC) Supreme Court Justice Michael Tammen ruled that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) Community-Industry Response Group (C-IRG) breached the Charter rights of three Indigenous land defenders during that unit’s militarized raid on Wet’suwet’en territory in 2021.

Those land defenders are Sleydo’ (Wet’suwet’en), Shaylynn Sampson (Gitxsan) and Corey Jocko (Kanien’kehá:ka-Mohawk).

Justice Tammen found the three land defenders guilty last year of criminal contempt of court for breaking an injunction against blocking work on the Coastal GasLink fracked gas pipeline on Wet’suwet’en territory.

Despite finding that the RCMP C-IRG violated the Section 7 rights – life, liberty and security of person – of the land defenders, Justice Tammen said it would be inappropriate to stay (suspend or stop) court proceedings.

CBC reports: “Tammen said the maximum sentence for criminal contempt is no more than five years imprisonment.”

APTN adds: “The case will be back in court on April 3 to fix a date for sentencing.”

Sleydo’ (Molly Wickham)

Following the ruling by Justice Tammen, Sleydo’ posted on Instagram: “The colonial court system is craaaazy and there’s no way to get out of it feeling any way but oppressed by the colonial state. I don’t have the words to describe the rage i feel at being forced to defend myself in a system where the rule of law allows for the destruction of these lands, my people, and my beloved- wedzinkwa [a sacred river on Wet’suwet’en territory].”

Peace Brigades International

Peace Brigades International-Canada states: “We call on judicial authorities in Canada to not further criminalize Indigenous land defenders upholding their right to free, prior and informed consent as they protect their territories from destructive megaprojects. We also call on the Government of Canada to disband the controversial Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) Community-Industry Response Group (C-IRG) implicated in the violations of the rights of Indigenous land defenders.”

Photo: RCMP C-IRG officers during the 2021 raid on Wet’suwet’en territory. Photo by Michael Toledano.

Front Line Defenders

Responding to this situation, the Dublin-based Front Line Defenders calls “on the judicial authorities to stay the proceedings against the three Wet’suwet’en HRDs, who are now facing criminalisation due to their human rights work.”

Amnesty International

Amnesty International has further noted: “Should they receive a sentence that arbitrarily deprives them of their liberty, Amnesty will designate the affected land defenders as prisoners of conscience.”

Global Witness

In September 2022, about a year after the third RCMP C-IRG raid on Wet’suwet’en territory in which Sleydo’, Sampson and Jocko were arrested, Washington, DC-based Global Witness stated: “The Canadian government should immediately cease the forcible eviction of Wet’suwet’en people; guarantee that no force will be used against Wet’suwet’en peoples; withdraw security and police forces from Wet’suwet’en territory; and prohibit the use of lethal weapons by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police against Indigenous peoples.”

Video still: Sleydo’, Sampson and others arrested at gunpoint by RCMP C-IRG officers, November 2021.

Global Witness also commented: “The geographic location of the Wet’suwet’en people is isolated and remote, making it difficult for human rights observers and media to monitor. This situation poses a grave danger to Wet’suwet’en people, territories and culture, and is made worse by the arrests of both legal observers and the media.”

UN Special Rapporteur Mary Lawlor

On March 6, Mary Lawlor, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders, will present her latest report to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland on human rights defenders in isolated, remote and rural contexts.

In the lead-up to that session, Lawlor highlighted three Indigenous land defenders in Canada, including Sleydo’ who faces this sentencing hearing on April 3.

We will be following the presentation by Lawlor on Thursday March 6 on UN Web TV.

We continue to follow this situation closely.

Further reading: RCMP C-IRG snipers repeatedly deployed against Wet’suwet’en land defenders and water protectors (PBI-Canada, February 2025).

PBI-UK “stunned and disappointed” by UK Government’s decision to slash international aid to pay for increase in military spending

The CBC reports: “British Prime Minister Keir Starmer said on Tuesday [February 25] he would increase annual defence spending to 2.5 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) by 2027 and target a three per cent level.”

“The increase would see Britain spending 13.4 billion pounds ($24.2 billion Cdn) more on defence every year from 2027. Britain’s Defence Ministry said it spent 53.9 billion pounds ($97.4 billion Cdn) in the 2023/24 financial year.”

That article adds: “With public spending already stretched in Britain, Starmer said the increase would be fully paid for by a 40 per cent cut to international aid… The international aid budget will be cut from 0.5 per cent of gross national income to 0.3 per cent in 2027.”

Reaction from PBI-UK

Peace Brigades International-United Kingdom has responded by stating:

“We are stunned and disappointed by the UK Government’s decision to slash aid in order to fund defence spending. Following in the wake of the USAID freeze, this decision will leave even more civil society organisations and human rights defenders exposed at a time of escalating global crises. Cutting UK aid means cutting support for the very initiatives that prevent conflicts, avert climate change, and help communities to live peacefully on their land, rather than have to flee. The decision to reduce spending to less than half of our legal obligations will also dent the UK’s global reputation.

PBI is one of many NGOs that has long called for the UK to adjust the way in which it supports global civil society, in order to ensure it is as effective as possible. A holistic approach is needed: one of effective funding, diplomatic support, and protection for human rights defenders at risk. This would represent a cost-effective approach to building a resilient, democratic world and – in turn – underpin the UK’s own growth and security.

We urge the Government to reconsider its decision and to develop a holistic approach with civil society at its core, so that UK aid and diplomacy can be as impactful as possible both now and in the future.”

PBI-UK director Ben Leather.

Canadian spending may be shifting too

The CBC article further notes: “With a defence budget of slightly more than $33 billion in 2024-25 and when spending on the Canadian Coast Guard and Veterans Affairs is added in, Canada hits roughly 1.37 per cent of GDP. Only a handful of countries have a lower percentage in the alliance, Spain and Belgium among them.”

Last month, the CBC also reported: “Facing U.S. President Donald Trump’s ongoing criticism about military spending, Defence Minister Bill Blair says it’s ‘absolutely achievable’ for Canada to meet NATO’s military investment benchmark of two per cent of gross domestic product within two years. That accelerated timeline to hit the target by 2027 is about five years earlier than what prime minister Justin Trudeau announced in July.”

And earlier this month the CBC reported: “Liberal leadership contender Mark Carney [who is very likely to be the next Prime Minister of Canada after the March 9 leadership convention] says if he becomes prime minister, he would meet the NATO defence spending benchmark two years ahead of the Trudeau government’s official target.”

Just over two weeks ago, the Canadian Press reported: “A Conservative government would build a permanent military base in Nunavut and pay for it by ‘dramatically cutting’ Canada’s foreign aid budget, Leader Pierre Poilievre said Monday in Iqaluit. ‘One hundred per cent of the cost of the base will come from the foreign aid budget’, he said. ‘In fact, today’s announcement will actually reduce the deficit because I plan to cut foreign aid more than the full cost of the announcement that I’ve made today’, he said.”

That article also noted: “According to a parliamentary report tabled last year, Canada spent $15.5 billion on foreign aid in the 2022-23 fiscal year. …Poilievre criticized foreign aid spending, saying much of it goes to ‘dictators, terrorists and global bureaucracies.’ …Poilievre did not offer a concrete estimate of the size of his proposed ‘massive’ cut to the foreign aid budget.”

CBC Poll Tracker now suggests there is a 75 percent probability the Poilievre Conservatives will form a majority government in Canada. That same poll says there is a 20 percent probability of the Conservatives winning the most seats but not a majority.

 The next federal election could come as soon as April-May of this year.

We continue to follow this.

“Citizen George” documentary includes George Lakey’s time as a PBI volunteer in Sri Lanka

The new documentary about George Lakey, now 87 years old, called “Citizen George” includes his time as a volunteer with Peace Brigades International in Sri Lanka 35 years ago.

The documentary presented by Bullfrog Films and directed by Glenn Holsten says: “CITIZEN GEORGE presents the life and work of Philadelphia-based Quaker activist George Lakey, a non-violent revolutionary who has worked his entire life for justice and peace, guided by his ideal of societal transformation.”

In the documentary, Lakey says:

“In the late 80s, a small island off the tip of India, was struggling to deal with a mass movement of peasants that wanted economic justice that was being strongly supported by students.

So, they were arresting students and torturing them to get information on which students they knew were actually part of the peasant movement. If a student was seized the parents would go to a human rights lawyer and get that student out of the hands of the police. So, the police started assassinating human rights lawyers.

So, that’s what brought the issue to me.

There was an international organization called Peace Brigades International which came to me and said we want to put a team of civilian protection into Sri Lanka to accompany the human rights lawyers to keep them alive while they are doing this necessary work of protecting students.

The idea was that if the police came to assassinate a lawyer, we would be there. I was foreign, the hit squad wasn’t instructed to kill foreigners because that might make major trouble for the government which was responsible for the hit squads.

And so, I went to Sri Lanka. I remember one lawyer I was protecting who said I am very worried about somebody knocking at the door at night and I, thinking it a distraught parent who is saying quick, quick, quick, save my son, and I open the door, and it turns out it’s the assassination squad who shoots me down. So, I need you to open the door.

I was scared the whole time I was there. It was three months of fear; people were being killed around me. Every time I passed a religious institution I would duck in and call myself to pray and experience the love that reminds us why we are here on Earth. And if I should die here, so be it, but I did want to participate in this pioneering way of saving lives.”

Peace Brigades International had teams in Sri Lanka from 1989 to 1998.

The trailer for “Citizen George” can be seen here.

The website for the documentary notes: “Grassroots supporters are going all-in to ensure that CITIZEN GEORGE can be offered to public television, streaming platforms, and active grassroots social justice groups. Please join us in making a donation now.”

Further reading: George Lakey’s time as a Peace Brigades International volunteer in Sri Lanka (PBI-Canada, September 2019).

RCMP apologizes to Ricochet senior editor and Gitxsan reporter for C-IRG breaching reporter’s Charter rights in 2020

Video still: Turner at 44km on Gidimt’en territory as RCMP helicopter buzzes overhead at the time of the 2020 C-IRG raid on Wet’suwet’en territory.

The CBC reports: “The RCMP [Community-Industry Response Group/C-IRG] seriously interfered with press freedoms, unreasonably blocked media access and arbitrarily detained a reporter during a 2020 raid on Wet’suwet’en-led blockades in northern British Columbia, [the Civilian Review and Complaints Commission/CRCC] says.”

That article continues: “Five years after that operation, the Mounties formally apologized to complainant Ethan Cox, senior editor at independent news outlet Ricochet Media, and Gitxsan reporter Jerome Turner, for breaching Turner’s Charter rights.”

Turner says: “I accept [the apology from the RCMP], with the caveat that they don’t do this to journalists ever again.”

But that is far from certain.

Cox and Turner comment in Ricochet: “There is a certain frustration at the oversight body [the CRCC] that the RCMP’s leadership continues to agree with and accept their rebukes, while ground-level officers continue to commit the same offences.”

Cox and Turner further note: “The one recommendation that the RCMP commissioner did not fully accept, happens to be one on which the media industry largely agrees with the police force, and must disagree with the oversight body.”

They add: “The CRCC recommended that the RCMP establish a method of accrediting journalists for planned and unplanned events. The RCMP considers this logistically unworkable, while the media industry largely agrees with the Supreme Court of Canada that a journalist is defined by their actions, not their affiliations. …In the modern world, as the Supreme Court has noted, anyone can serve a journalistic function by pulling out their phone. …The RCMP should not be put in a position where they are empowered to decide who is and is not a ‘real’ journalist, as that power could easily lead to the type of abuses considered in this report.”

The second-year mark of the CRCC “systemic investigation” is approaching this coming March 8 with no definite date for the conclusion of that report.

We continue to follow this.

From the Civilian Review and Complaints Commission “Summaries of Reviewed Public Complaints” website.

Status: Final Report

Background:

In February 2020, the RCMP was enforcing a civil injunction against obstructive protests by members of the Indigenous Wet’suwet’en people opposed to the Coastal GasLink pipeline project in their territories in British Columbia. The Wet’suwet’en have a long-standing claim to these lands and, while the Wet’suwet’en elected band councils supported the pipeline project, the hereditary chiefs of 12 of the 13 Wet’suwet’en houses opposed it.

A media editor assigned a reporter to cover the protests and the police response. The reporter travelled to the injunction area, intending to visit some protest camps to document what he anticipated would be significant police action, but he was stopped at an RCMP access control point on the road.

Although the reporter had previously been granted access to the area, an RCMP member told him that the “rules had changed,” and he was turned away. The reporter was eventually permitted to enter, but over the next two days the restrictions continued as the RCMP threatened to arrest him if he did not leave the area, detained him for hours at a time, and strictly controlled his movements.

Complaint:

The media editor complained that the RCMP’s use of access control points and exclusion zones interfered with the reporter’s access to the area, violating the reporter’s individual constitutional rights as well as the constitutionally protected freedom of the press. The editor also complained that the RCMP arbitrarily detained the reporter, interfering with his ability to cover the story.

RCMP’s investigation and decision:

The RCMP investigated the allegation and determined that the restrictions on journalists were within the authority of the police, and that they did not unreasonably interfere with the reporter’s ability to take photographs or report on the situation. The Commission was asked to review the matter.

Commission’s review:

The Commission’s review determined that the RCMP recognized journalists without a consistent standard. At times the RCMP had accepted a letter of assignment from the media outlet as credentials, but on this occasion the reporter was turned away despite being admitted three times before. He had to drive back down the remote forest service road to where he started, 27 kilometres away. He contacted his editor, who tried to get assurances from the RCMP that the reporter would be admitted.

However, after the editor told the reporter that he could return to the access control point with his letter of assignment and that he would be admitted, the reporter was again refused entry. He was told again that he did not have approved media credentials. It was only after ongoing discussions, a request to speak to a superior, and the reporter giving a list of the news outlets with which he had published stories that the RCMP permitted him through.

The reporter travelled to the first of the Wet’suwet’en protest camps. He walked five more kilometres to the next camp and stayed the night. He was awakened before 5 a.m. by news that the RCMP had moved in and made arrests at the first camp, including two journalists. The editor was alarmed by this news and he wrote to the RCMP for answers, questioning the legal authority of the RCMP to act. He also asked the RCMP if the reporter he had assigned would get the same treatment if he tried to do his job.

The RCMP replied, “Currently your reporter is within the exclusion zone and subject to all the same restrictions as anyone else within the zone. Your reporter will be given the opportunity to leave on his own accord and return to the Access Control . . . or be subject to arrest . . . .” The British Columbia Civil Liberties Association and the Canadian Association of Journalists condemned the police actions as unlawful.

Amidst this criticism, the RCMP released a statement, explaining that the RCMP “respected the fundamental freedom of the press under the [Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Charter)], as detailed in recent decisions by courts across Canada” and that the RCMP would “make every reasonable effort to allow media personnel to get as close as possible to the enforcement area, while ensuring no interference with police operations” and subject to “reasonable limitations for public safety and police officer safety.”

Nevertheless, the Commission’s review determined that RCMP interference with the media continued. As RCMP members moved in to make arrests at the Wet’suwet’en protest camp, police officers stopped the reporter and other members of the media before they could approach a blockade within which were several protesters.

The Commission found that the media members were detained under threat of arrest for approximately four hours. They were kept approximately 60 feet from the area, so they could not see or hear everything. RCMP members told the press members that if they tried to move freely or failed to follow any instructions, they would be arrested.

After the arrests were completed, police drove the reporter to the camp where his car was parked. He and a small group of others learned that other protesters had blocked the way back by parking vehicles across the forest road. RCMP members had to clear the obstructions.

The small group was detained there by another RCMP member. The RCMP member later explained that he had been told to wait with the group until the way was clear and the industry convoy got through. Although the journalists had self‑identified as media, they did not seem to have legitimate credentials. The RCMP members were concerned that the reporter might use his car to block the road. After several hours, the reporter was permitted to drive out. The reporter stated that, in all, his two detentions lasted eight hours.

The RCMP’s use of access control points and exclusion zones to restrict the access and movements of the media was unreasonable, as were the threats to arrest the reporter and the reporter’s detention

The Commission analyzed the authority claimed by the RCMP to stop people from entering areas otherwise open to the public unless the people met certain conditions, or to keep them out altogether. In these circumstances, such a power could only come from what is called an “ancillary power” under the common law.

The RCMP believed that the exclusion zones and access control points were necessary because the remoteness, size, and terrain of the injunction area created special challenges, and there were concerns about protesters potentially setting traps or using violence. The RCMP also wanted to prevent the escalation of the blockades.

The Commission’s review determined that the RCMP had set up an access control point on the forest service road. At that time, the RCMP stopped all vehicles at the checkpoint, and the police only permitted passage if the occupants provided their identification, stated their purpose, and got approval from the RCMP Operational Commander or their delegate. In general, the people permitted included hereditary and elected chiefs, elected and government officials, accredited journalists, and people providing food, medical care, or other supplies or services necessary for the well-being of the people at the blockades.

The RCMP also believed that it was reasonable to suspect that anyone leaving the injunction area had been committing offences within, and that anyone entering the area intended to commit offences, meaning that they had grounds to detain them. Anyone entering the area was given a copy of the civil injunction because it informed them that certain activities would put them in breach of the court order and liable to arrest. The RCMP also detained anyone leaving the area to get their identification and to give them a copy of the court order before sending them on their way.

With the enforcement about to begin, the RCMP restricted almost all access to the area. The media exclusion was relaxed in the days that followed because of public criticism, but the RCMP continued to impose many restrictions. The following day, RCMP liaison team members were instructed to keep the reporter and other media members “on [the] far side out of [the] way.” 

Even without specific statutory authority, police do have the power to restrict access to certain areas that are normally open to the public, but this is not a general power. Rather, it is “confined to proper circumstances, such as fires, floods, car crash sites, and the like.” The law also recognizes that the police have the power to cordon off an area in certain circumstances to carry out their duties. To be justified under the ancillary powers doctrine, the action must be “reasonably necessary for the fulfillment of the duty.” While the common law police duties of preserving the peace, preventing crime, and protecting life and property can lead to the ability to act preventatively where appropriate, actions that interfere with individual liberty will be especially hard to justify when a person is not suspected of any wrongdoing.

The Commission found that the RCMP’s use of the checkpoint and exclusion zone to restrict the access and movements of journalists on the dates in question were unreasonable. The Commission also found that the RCMP’s threat to arrest the reporter if he did not leave the exclusion zone was unreasonable.

The Commission further concluded that the reporter’s detention was not authorized under the ancillary powers doctrine.

The Commission found that the RCMP did not fulfill the Charter obligation to inform the reporter of the reasons for his detention or of his right to legal counsel. The Commission also found that the RCMP’s conduct caused serious interference with the freedom of the press.

In terms of the reporter’s second detention while waiting for the road to be cleared, the jurisprudence grants more leeway to the police in controlling traffic than it does for interfering with other rights and liberties. Driving is a heavily regulated activity, and the Commission was satisfied that the RCMP had the general authority to direct and restrict traffic on the narrow forest service road until the way was cleared of the new obstructions.

Nevertheless, the restraint on the reporter’s freedom was greater than being told that the way was blocked. While the RCMP members permitted the reporter and the others to examine and photograph the area, they were not allowed to leave, and they could not walk away from the police. The Commission found that the group was detained.

The Commission wondered why the RCMP member did not ask for the reporter’s cooperation in remaining where he was until the way was cleared. The explanation appeared to be the RCMP members’ distrust of the media members, and the concern that the reporter could have blocked the road with his car if he had been allowed to move sooner. The RCMP members’ skepticism about the reporter’s legitimacy as a reporter, and about his intentions regarding the injunction, were not objectively reasonable. Journalists in Canada have no accreditation regime, but this does not mean that anyone claiming to be a reporter is suspect. If the RCMP members had a reasonable suspicion that the reporter was connected to a recent or ongoing crime, they could have detained him under the law for investigative purposes, but they did not do so.

The unreasonableness of the detention was compounded by its length and by the fact that the reporter and the others were not advised about their Charter rights or even the full reason for their detention. The Commission found that the detention was inconsistent with section 10 of the Charter and RCMP policy.

Recommendations

In a recent report, the Commission recommended that the RCMP develop national guidance for the enforcement of civil injunctions that is consistent with the prevailing jurisprudence about the limited size and duration of exclusion zones and the courts’ cautions about claiming invasive ancillary police powers that are preventative in nature and are not exercised in responding to or investigating a past or ongoing crime. The Commission reiterated that recommendation.

The Commission concluded that new national policy was needed about how to treat the media during RCMP enforcement of civil injunctions and at other public order events. The Commission recommended that the RCMP develop standardized national policy for accrediting media for access to areas where the RCMP is conducting enforcement or otherwise has authority over a scene. The Commission recommended the following general parameters:

The accreditation policy should favour inclusion rather than exclusion of a reporter, reflecting the trend within Canada’s media landscape of smaller, online-only news outlets as well as independents like freelancers and independent filmmakers who may not have a letter of assignment. Accredited media should be issued a badge or other pass that entitles them to be present for protests and other public order events where the RCMP is conducting enforcement, or for other RCMP press events (subject to constraints like space and demand).

The Commission recommended that RCMP members maintain only a very modest buffer zone during injunction enforcement and other public order events that is no larger than necessary to permit the RCMP members carrying out arrests to work safely. The Commission stated that the RCMP should also grant freedom of movement to the press within the enforcement area so long as they remain outside the modest buffer and do not interfere.

The Commission also recommended that, although RCMP media liaisons and/or escorts may be necessary in certain circumstances, such escorts should not otherwise interfere with the media’s freedom of movement except where there is a demonstrated and objectively reasonable operational necessity, and then only to the minimum extent possible.

Lastly, the Commission recommended that an appropriate member of the RCMP apologize to the editor and the reporter for the RCMP’s unreasonable interference with the reporter’s work as a reporter by turning him away from the checkpoint, threatening to arrest him for being within an exclusion zone, and detaining him and controlling his movements.

Commissioner’s response:

The RCMP Commissioner agreed with all the Commission’s findings, and he fully supported almost all the Commission’s recommendations.

However, the RCMP Commissioner wrote that he could not fully support the Commission’s recommendation about a standardized national policy for accrediting media access, although he supported the intention behind the recommendation. The RCMP Commissioner did not believe that this would be feasible for unplanned events. He acknowledged that there was little clarity or consistency in how the reporter was treated in this case. He stated that, as a result, he would direct RCMP policy centres to study the creation a standard method of accrediting journalists that would be useful for both planned and unplanned events.

Commission’s final report:

The Commission welcomed the RCMP Commissioner’s response. The Commission noted that the RCMP Commissioner’s reservations about devising a suitable policy are understandable. The Commission stated that, whatever the standard to be used by the RCMP to accredit media, it should be permissive and include not only journalists who are employed by a media outlet, but also those who are freelancers or who are otherwise independent. The Commission also stated that any RCMP media standard be liberally interpreted and subject to only limited discretion on the ground. Police officers should not normally decide who is or is not a journalist, nor should they react as though a journalist has breached an injunction or obstructed the police merely by doing their job.

The Commission wrote that the RCMP Commissioner’s reservations might be addressed by a simpler policy that incorporated a practice eventually used by the RCMP in 2021 at Fairy Creek, British Columbia, after a court ordered greater media access. The practice was to check identification and ask the reporter their media affiliation before admitting them.

PBI-organized “Who Bears the Cost?” webinar highlights the impacts of transnational corporations, the situation in Buenaventura

On Monday February 24, Peace Brigades International organized a webinar, hosted by Lorena Miguel of PBI-Catalunya, that highlighted a new report “Who Bears the Cost?” and included perspectives and analysis from several countries.

We include excerpts of their comments below.

Milbia Andrea Díaz, Inter-Church Commission for Justice and Peace, Colombia

“In Colombia, many of the missing people lie in the sea. “[Specifically, in the San Antonio estuary in Buenaventura], there must be about a thousand people in water graves. We know the difficulties of finding remains in the sea and in the mangrove swamp, but there is technology that would make it possible to find them.”

“[Families] ask that the estuary be kept as a place of historical memory, because that is where their disappeared rest. It would be an act of justice, feasible within the framework of the special mechanism for the issue of memory.”

“There is a high level of corruption, violence and state neglect of fundamental rights, which has turned into a scenario of harassment and abuse of illegal armed structures, with strong links to the Public Force. Responsibility of the state for action, omission and lack of respect for the state. Today it is being challenged by a totally failed peace proposal, which only relies on criminal gangs of perpetrators of violence and misery in Buenaventura.”

Vicente Vallies, author of “Who Bears the Cost?” report

“With the dredging of the estuaries, the right to search would be violated. Reparation involves being able to bury your loved one in a dignified way… It is difficult to think that people can talk about coexistence and positive construction if they are prevented from recovering the bodies of their loved ones.”

“[In Buenaventura] everyone pays extortion: the fishmonger, the displaced person who goes to get his subsidy check, everyone pays the illegal armed actors. This represents a risk for companies.”

“The European delegations in Colombia would do well to believe the local population, the fishermen, the people who are looking… If they supported them in their desire not to dredge that estuary, which is a large cemetery, it would be a great step.”

Ixmukane Quib, the Committee for Peasant Unity (CUC), Guatemala

“It is important to mention that Guatemala is a country made up of an indigenous population, present in territories in which there is a high interest on the part of national and transnational extractive companies.”

“The capitalist system is based on dispossession and mainly responds to the economic accumulation of a minority and that these are strongly linked to financial organizations such as the IDB, WB, which finance extractive companies. These financial resources serve to dispossess the common goods of the communities, destroy biodiversity, territories and the social fabric.”

“In my territory, because it is a territory rich in water resources and highly productive lands due to its diversity, there is a high interest from transnational companies and consequently greater conflict, the dispute over the territory then is between extractive companies, palm oil monoculture that currently occupies just over 180,614 hectares nationwide and this has caused serious contamination in the rivers, a decrease in the quality of life of the communities, precarious health, violation of locomotion and the human rights of those who inhabit the territory and that for these projects to be carried out triggers a series of land dispossessions and the concession of national lands to private companies.”

Brent Patterson, Peace Brigades International, Canada

“A key connecting point for us with the port of Buenaventura is the Canada-Colombia free trade agreement.”

“In 2010, the year before this Agreement came into force, two-way trade between Canada and Colombia totaled $1.4 billion. By 2023, with twelve years of the Agreement, two-way merchandise trade dramatically increased to $2.6 billion.”

“Despite the expansion of the port that comes with increased trade, the displacement of communities and human rights violations that happens with the expansion of the port, and the associated push to dredge the harbour to allow for a deepwater port and bigger cargo ships, and disturb the water graves, Global Affairs Canada, continues to conclude that they are ‘unable to demonstrate that any actions taken by the Government of Canada … through the implementation of the [free trade agreement] … have had a direct impact on human rights in Canada or Colombia.’”

Laia Otero, CooperAcció, Catalunya/Spain

“At CooperAcció we are part of the Catalan Group for Business and Human Rights, a working group made up of 22 entities and 2 second-level platforms that is working towards the creation of the Centre for Business and Human Rights.”

“In June 2015, the situation in Buenaventura was denounced in the Parliament of Catalonia and the European Union, where foreign investments for the expansion of the port have a direct relationship with the violence and poverty that develops in the territory and where the then Catalan company TCB- Barcelona Container Terminal invests in the expansion of the port through its subsidiary TCBuen, with the idea of ​​turning it into a large infrastructure for the country’s trade, ignoring the authoritative voices that denounce how these megaprojects aggravate the situation of violence in Buenaventura.”

“In addition to the Buenaventura case, the group has generated investigations of human rights violations by companies operating in our territory and we have collected them on the AlertaDH website, where we have more than 20 cases and to which we continue to add new investigations today, not only to generate advocacy strength but also to raise awareness and inform the Catalan population about the practices carried out by companies in the global south.”

“We hope that 2025 will be the year of the creation of the Catalan Center for Business and Human Rights.”

Lorena Miguel, Peace Brigades International, Catalunya

Lorena Miguel, who organized, introduced and moderated this webinar, concluded the discussion with highlighting the new “Who Bears the Cost?” report.

That report can be found here.

The Executive Summary can also be read in English here: Inglés_Digital_REjecutivo_PBI

Further reading: “With the dredging of the estuaries, the right to search would be violated”: Vicente Vallies, author of PBI report on Buenaventura (PBI-Canada), The Canada-Colombia free trade agreement and “aquafosas” (water graves) in the San Antonio estuary of Buenaventura (PBI-Canada) and PBI-Canada to participate in “Who Bears the Cost?” webinar on the port of Buenaventura in Colombia and transnational corporations (PBI-Canada).

The Canada-Colombia free trade agreement and “aquafosas” (water graves) in the San Antonio estuary of Buenaventura

Photo by PBI-Colombia.

To register for the “Who Bears the Cost?” webinar on Monday February 24, click here.

Speaking notes:

In the ten minutes that we have, we would like to highlight the role that Canada could play in stopping further violations of human rights, and upholding the right to search the “aquafosas” or “acuafosas” (water graves), by speaking against the dredging of the San Antonio estuary where the port of Buenaventura is situated.

Milbia Andrea Díaz of the Inter-Church Commission for Justice and Peace recently told the German newspaper Deutsche Welle (DW): “In Colombia, many of the disappeared people rest in the sea. …There must be about a thousand people in the acuafosas [of the San Antonio estuary of Buenaventura].”

That article highlights: “The dredging of that estuary for the expansion of the port of Buenaventura would end any possibility of finding them.”

Precautionary measures for the estuary of the “disappeared”

In April 2021, the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) granted protection status that paused the dredging of the estuary.

It was most recently reported by the Colombian publication Cambio on February 18, 2025, that the JEP had decided “to maintain the protection of areas of forensic interest in the mangrove” for another 10 months, essentially until the end of this year.

As such, there is time for the Government of Canada to, as Vicente Vallies (the author of a new PBI report on the port of Buenaventura) has asked of European delegations in Colombia, “to believe the local population [and support] them in their desire not to dredge that estuary, which is a large cemetery.”

Photo: Kerstin Reemtsma (PBI-Guatemala), Vicente Vallies (report author) and Milbia Andrea Díaz (Justice and Peace Commission) at the European Parliament in Brussels, Belgium, on February 19, 2025.

The Canada-Colombia free trade agreement

A key connecting point for us is the Canada-Colombia free trade agreement.

In 2010, the year before this Agreement came into force, two-way trade between Canada and Colombia totaled $1.4 billion. By 2023, with twelve years of the Agreement, two-way merchandise trade dramatically increased to $2.6 billion.

We believe that a significant portion of that two-way trade would be between the Port of Vancouver on the Pacific coast of Canada and Buenaventura, approximately 5,000 nautical miles apart and about 20-25 days by ship.

The Canada-Colombia free trade agreement came into force on August 15, 2011, just a few months prior to the United States-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement (CTPA) going into effect on May 15, 2012.

Paramilitaries and private companies

Independent researchers have highlighted that Colombian human rights defender Enrique Chimonja “sees the continuing paramilitary group activity [in Buenaventura] as a strategy by private companies to evict people living on their collective lands to accommodate port expansion required not only by the free-trade agreement with the United States but also by the 16 other FTAs Colombia has signed.”

In November 2022, Julian Streit of the Peace Brigades International-Colombia Project further cautioned: “Enforced disappearances in Buenaventura mainly benefit the port companies that want to dredge the San Antonio Estuary without hindrance and ensure the navigation of ocean-going ships in the sector, regardless of the tide.”

Researchers have also noted: “As a result of the FTAs, Buenaventura has seen a 42-percent growth in international trade during the decade of 2010 to 2020. It has also undergone a number of port expansions including a $200 million mega-project, the Buenaventura Containers Terminal (TC Buen), which has also displaced people from surrounding neighbourhoods to make way for construction.”

Dredging the harbour

In June 2020, Mongabay reported: “Today, Buenaventura is Colombia’s only Pacific coast port that serves North America and Southeast Asia. But it’s not a deepwater port. This means large ships with heavy cargo have to wait for high tide to be able to enter the harbor, and only have a four–hour window to unload and load their cargo before the tide goes out again.”

In February 2021, Valentina Carvajal of the Peace Brigades International-Colombia Project wrote: “One of the projects that began in 2019 is the dredging of the San Antonio estuary. This work – financed with public and private money – aims to achieve a greater depth of the waters of the Bay of Buenaventura to enable the entry of larger ships. The problem is that the San Antonio estuary is one of the largest mass graves in Colombia and relatives of victims of the armed conflict are still searching for the disappeared.”

As noted above, just a few months later in April 2021, the JEP granted protection status that temporarily paused the dredging of the estuary.

Our submission to Global Affairs Canada

In 2021, PBI-Canada wrote to Global Affairs Canada (the Canadian ministry of foreign affairs) about the situation in Buenaventura.

In the words of Global Affairs Canada: “This submission highlighted the increased violence and forced displacements in the city of Buenaventura, as well as the negative impact of the city’s port activities and infrastructure development on human rights and the living conditions of the local community.”

Global Affairs Canada then noted: “The information shared has been taken into consideration in the elaboration of the relevant section of this report.” It is not clear to us what they meant by this, but significantly they ultimately found “no human rights impacts which could be directly associated with Canada’s 2020 tariff reductions.”

Most recently Global Affairs Canada once again concluded that in 2023 that they were “unable to demonstrate that any actions taken by the Government of Canada … through the implementation of the [free trade agreement] … have had a direct impact on human rights in Canada or Colombia.”

Their call for submissions for 2024 is now open with a deadline of March 16, 2025 for comments.

Port blocked during Civic Strike of 2017

We also want to mention that the North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA) has noted: “In May 2017, Buenaventura residents held a 22-day civic strike to protest ongoing investment in its port instead of investing in local residents.”

NACLA highlighted: “In an impressive show of organizational capacity, Afro-Colombian and Indigenous communities and organizations united to shut down the city, blocking the port and flooding the streets. Residents demanded resources to invest in building a local hospital, more economic opportunities, and potable water.”

The Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC) has highlighted that concessions were won including “a new framework agreement to protect the rights of port workers.”

In November 2018, the PSAC cautioned: “Since May 2017, threats against strike leaders have continued as plans go forward to expand and modernize the port, while the government fails to implement its agreement with the strikers.”

Vanessa Renteria Valencia

In closing, we also want to remember Vanessa Renteria Valencia.

Her sister Sandra has noted: “Vanessa worked for 12 years in the port of Buenaventura and was a union activist in SNTT (National Union of Branch Labor, Transport and Logistics Services of Colombia).”

Vanessa arrived in Canada in 2022 as a refugee fleeing violence and death threats.

She settled in the city of Surrey, a municipality within the Metro Vancouver regional district (where the Port of Vancouver that ships to and receives good from the port in Buenaventura is situated).

On September 19, 2024, Vanessa was killed by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) who had received a call about a “disturbance” in her home. Five months later, there are still questions about what happened.

Conclusion

We thank you for the opportunity to participate in this forum.

—

NOTE: These are speaking notes for a webinar taking place on Monday February 24. To register for this webinar, click here. The webinar will have simultaneous Spanish-English interpretation. (Photo left to right): Webinar speakers Milbia Andrea Díaz, Vicente Vallies, Ixmukane Quib, Laia Otero, Brent Patterson.

Photo: PBI-Canada visits Buenaventura, July 4, 2022.

“With the dredging of the estuaries, the right to search would be violated”: Vicente Vallies, author of PBI report on Buenaventura

A Peace Brigades International (PBI) organized webinar on Monday February 24 will feature Milbia Andrea Díaz, of the Inter-Church Commission for Justice and Peace, and Vicente Vallies, author of the new PBI report “Who Bears the Cost?”.

To register for this webinar that happens at 10:00 am in Colombia/ Ontario/ Quebec/ Nunavut and at 4:00 pm in Catalunya/ Spain, click here.

Deutsche Welle article: “The missing in the port of Buenaventura”

Diaz recently told Deutsche Welle: “In Colombia, many of the disappeared people rest in the sea. There must be about a thousand people in [the estuary in Buenaventura]. We know the difficulties of finding remains in the sea and in the mangrove swamp, but there is technology that would make it possible to find them.”

Diaz adds: “For this reason, they ask that this estuary be maintained as a place of historical memory, because its disappeared rest there. It would be an act of justice.”

The newspaper article highlights: “The dredging of that estuary for the expansion of the port of Buenaventura would end any possibility of finding them. Together with groups of women searchers, the CIJP and other organizations have obtained a precautionary measure to stop the works in that estuary. For the moment.”

Vallies also tells DW: “With the dredging of the estuaries, the right to search would be violated. Reparation involves being able to bury your loved one in a dignified way… It is difficult to think that people can talk about coexistence and positive construction if they are prevented from recovering the bodies of their loved ones.”

Vallies also notes: “[In Buenaventura] everyone pays extortion: the fishmonger, the displaced person who goes to get his subsidy check, everyone pays the illegal armed actors. This represents a risk for companies.”

Vallies further highlights in his comments to Deutsche Welle: “The European delegations in Colombia would do well to believe the local population, the fishermen, the people who are looking… If they supported them in their desire not to dredge that estuary, which is a large cemetery, it would be a great step.”

Webinar, Monday February 24

To register for the webinar this coming Monday February 24, click here. The webinar will have simultaneous Spanish-English interpretation.

Along with Vallies and Diaz, the speakers will also include Ixmukane Quib from the Committee for Peasant Unity (CUC) in Guatemala, Laia Otero from CooperAcció in Catalunya, and Brent Patterson from PBI-Canada.

(Photo left to right): Webinar speakers Milbia Andrea Díaz, Vicente Vallies, Ixmukane Quib, Laia Otero, Brent Patterson.

The “Who Pays the Cost?” report can be downloaded from the PBI-Spanish State website here.

UN Special Rapporteur Mary Lawlor highlights Wet’suwet’en and Gitxsan land defenders prior to March 6 report to Human Rights Council

Mary Lawlor, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders, has posted on Instagram:

“On 6 March I’ll present my latest report to the @humanrightscouncil, on human rights defenders in isolated, remote & rural contexts. In the lead up, I am sharing stories illustrating how the risks & challenges these defenders face are often linked to their location.”

Lawlor has also posted this on X, Bluesky and Facebook.

UN Web TV

We will be following the presentation by Lawlor on Thursday March 6 on UN Web TV.

“Land defenders labelled criminals”

The sketches of the defenders featured in the image shared by Lawlor are Indigenous land defenders Sleydo’ (Wet’suwet’en, Gidimt’en Clan), Kolin Sutherland-Wilson (Gitxsan) and Freda Huson (Wet’suwet’en, Unist’ot’en Clan).

A focal point of their resistance to the Coastal GasLink fracked gas pipeline being built without consent is near the town of Houston, British Columbia, situated about 1,100 kilometres north of the city of Vancouver.

The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) Community-Industry Response Group (C-IRG) has launched three highly-militarized raids on Wet’suwet’en territory and arrested more than 74 land defenders, legal observers and members of the media.

Huson was arrested during the RCMP C-IRG raid on February 10, 2020.

Sleydo’ was arrested at gunpoint by the RCMP C-IRG on November 19, 2021.

And Sutherland-Wilson was arrested on October 27, 2022, after Likhts’amisyu Hereditary Chief Dsta’hyl decommissioned ten pieces of heavy construction equipment being used to build the Coastal GasLink pipeline.

PBI accompanies

On November 19-22, 2021, Brent Patterson of PBI-Canada visited Wet’suwet’en and Gitxsan territories in response to this video appeal from Sleydo’ to “come to the yintah now” and to “amplify the message”. We met Huson at the Unist’ot’en Healing Centre and Sutherland-Wilson overlooking CN Rail tracks where a solidarity blockade with the Wet’suwet’en had taken place at the time of the RCMP C-IRG raid.

On September 28, 2022, Kim-Mai Vu of PBI-Switzerland presented to the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva during the Interactive Dialogue with the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

She stated: “The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has called on Canada to stop construction of the Coastal GasLink pipeline on Wet’suwet’en territory. Canada ratified this International Convention in 1970 and said in 2016 that it supported the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, however, the construction of this gas pipeline without consent continues as does the criminalization of land defenders.”

On June 26, 2024, PBI-Canada met with Mary Lawlor and Michael Phoenix, her Head of Research and Campaigns, in Ottawa. We appreciate her work highlighting issues about Indigenous land defenders in Canada as well as the impact of Canadian extractive companies in Latin America.

Further reading: RCMP C-IRG snipers repeatedly deployed against Wet’suwet’en land defenders and water protectors (PBI-Canada, February 20, 2025).

PBI-Mexico accompanies the FPDTA-MPT at march in Mexico City on the 6th anniversary of the murder of Samir Flores Soberanes

PBI-Mexico has posted:

“This Friday, February 21, PBI accompanies the People’s Front in Defense of Land and Water of Morelos, Puebla and Tlaxcala (FPDTA-MPT) in the march to claim justice in the case of Samir Flores Soberanes.

From PBI Mexico, we express our deep concern for the six years of impunity in the murder of this defender. We call on the authorities to uphold the right to truth and justice, and pledge to ensure the protection of human rights defenders. We reaffirm our commitment to continue supporting communities in their fight for self-determination and the protection of their territories.”

Mario Marlo reports in Somos el Medio:

“Six years after the murder of land defender Samir Flores Soberanes, social organizations, communities and family members marched from the Ministry of the Interior to the Zócalo [a main square in central] Mexico City as part of the ‘Global Day of Struggle: Justice for Samir Flores Soberanes’.

Photo outside the Ministry of the Interior.

With slogans such as ‘Samir Lives, the struggle goes on and on’, the demonstrators demanded justice and the clarification of his murder, which occurred in 2019.

The People’s Front in Defense of Land and Water (FPDTA) led the mobilization, carrying a bust of Samir Flores… The march culminated in the capital’s Zócalo, where a rally was held in which Liliana Velásquez, widow of Samir Flores, took the floor to demand justice and remember her husband’s legacy.

Photo of Teresa Castellanos and Liliana Velazquez at the march. Photo by Mario Marlo.

‘It is not fair that at the whim of the government, which hinders those who fight for life, fathers and mothers, children stay at home crying,’ said Liliana Velasquez, who also spoke on behalf of her children, especially her youngest son, who was just two years old when his father was murdered. ‘Today, at 8 years old, little by little the memory of his father is erased. It’s not fair,’ she added with emotion.

During the rally, Liliana Velásquez demanded that the government of Claudia Sheinbaum thoroughly investigate the case and bring those responsible to justice. ‘We demand that Hugo Eric Flores, President López Obrador’s envoy to operate the PIM consultation, and the former governor of Morelos Cuauhtémoc Blanco be investigated,’ she declared.

In addition, she denounced that one of the alleged members of an organized crime group in Morelos, linked to the case, enjoys privileges in his detention, which shows the lack of political will to punish the culprits.

‘The greatest justice for Samir will be to continue fighting from our spaces and not forget him,’ said Velásquez, who thanked the support of the organizations, communities and people present at the march. ‘Samir has been a seed, and his fight is still alive,’ she concluded.”

This article can be read at A seis años del asesinato de Samir Flores, organizaciones y comunidades marchan exigiendo justicia en la CDMX.

And El Universal reported:

“Activists pointed out that the Morelos Integral Project [the PIM] is high risk and includes a thermoelectric plant in Huexca and a mega gas pipeline that would cross Popocatepetl [an active stratovolcano] and the states of Morelos, Puebla and Tlaxcala: ‘The thermoelectric plant would leave dozens of towns without water and pollute the air and the remaining water. The pipeline would be a time bomb running through a highly seismic area,’ they warned.

The groups expressed that [the murder of Samir] is added to a list of more than 200 defenders of the territory and the rights of the peoples, especially the CNI [National Indigenous Congress], in recent years.

Video still from CNI.

They also marched for their missing sisters and brothers [including the 43 students from Ayotzinapa], in the fight against the ‘Military Train wrongly called Maya’ and against the interoceanic corridor [linked to the recent murder of three members of UCIZONI]. As well as against xenophobia and forced migration, against the mine, the dam, fracking, the real estate cartel and the garbage business, as they indicated.

‘Justice, in the struggle for the defense of rivers, seas and bodies of water, of forests and autonomous spaces on land or in the air. Justice! it is what Samir built during his life.’”

This article can be read at “Ni perdón ni olvido, Samir Flores vive”: protestan por asesinato de activista; acusan a AMLO de lavarse las manos.

Accompaniment

At PBI-Canada we continue to highlight that the FPDTA-MPT has linked the PIM megaproject to Toronto-based Alamos Gold and its Esperanza mine. In November 2020, they posted: “[Mexican president] Lopez Obrador’s [support for the PIM] betrays the peasant and the promise of change of his government, to favour transnational corporations [including] Canadian miners like Alamos Gold.”

PBI-Mexico has accompanied the People’s Front in Defense of Land and Water of Morelos, Puebla and Tlaxcala (FPDTA-MPT) since early 2020.

Further reading: PBI-Mexico accompanies activities in Amilcingo on the 6th anniversary of the murder of Indigenous Nahua defender Samir Flores Soberanes (PBI-Canada, February 21, 2025).