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PBI-Canada concerned that Ring of Fire could be designated a “special economic zone” in September 2025

Video still: “We will defend our lands & waters.” From the 12-minute video “Neskantaga – We Love Our Land” by Allan Lissner.

The area known as the “Ring of Fire” in the northern part of the Canadian province of Ontario has an abundance of rare-earth/critical minerals including cobalt, lithium, manganese, nickel, graphite and copper.

Ricochet now reports: “Ontario’s proposed Bill 5, the Protect Ontario By Unleashing Our Economy Act, would allow the province to designate ‘special economic zones’ that would qualify to bypass environmental regulations and speed up development. It is expected to be in force as early as September, and Premier Doug Ford intends to name the proposed Ring of Fire mineral development as the first such site.”

“Neskantaga First Nation Chief Gary Quisess … minces no words about the connection between the poor infrastructure and looming mining encroachment … [and has travelled to the Queen’s Park legislature in Toronto ] to call out what he describes as ‘genocide’ buried in new provincial environmental legislation.”

The article continues: “Neskantaga, located on the Attawapiskat River, 450 kilometres northeast of Thunder Bay, has been among the most vocal First Nations in opposing the proposed Ring of Fire development.”

And the article includes a photo caption that further notes: “Indigenous groups held a press conference at Queen’s Park May 12 to sound the alarm about Bill 5. Some First Nation leaders are promising to ‘stand in front of development.’”

Key dates

November 2021: CBC reports: “Ford’s government [wants] to lure the big automakers to produce electric vehicles in southern Ontario. A key part of that strategy involves opening up the so-called Ring of Fire mineral deposit.”

November 2022: The Financial Post reports: “The United States military is talking to Canadian miners about potentially funding some critical minerals projects in Canada, the latest evidence of President Joe Biden’s administration’s commitment to cutting its reliance on China for the metals needed to build defence equipment and expand the electric vehicle (EV) market.”

January 2023: The First Nations Land Defence Alliance is created. The Neskantaga nation is part of this Alliance along with Kitchenuhmaykoosib Inninuwug (KI-Big Trout Lake), Ojibways of Onigaming, Muskrat Dam, Asubpeeschoseewagong-Grassy Narrows and Wapekeka First Nations.

March 2023: Outgoing-Neskantaga Chief Wayne Moonias warns: “If Premier Ford wants to get on a bulldozer, if the CEO of Ring of Fire Metals wants to get on a bulldozer, they’re going to have to run me over.”

December 2023: CBC reports: “Mining claims staked in northern Ontario’s Ring of Fire area have risen by 30 per cent since last year, according to provincial data analyzed by the Wildlands League.”

US-Canada relations

Earlier this year, CBC News reported: “The Ring of Fire in northwestern Ontario has become a key figure in the battle to control critical minerals, which experts say is the heart of U.S. President Donald Trump’s threats to annex Canada.”

In March 2025, CBC speculated that “a new economic and security arrangement with the United States” could include “ramped-up talk about developing Canada’s critical minerals”.

During the recent federal election, both the Liberals and Conservatives promised accelerated approvals of critical mineral mining projects.

The Narwhal has commented: “While Mark Carney [who was elected prime minister on April 28, 2025] repeatedly emphasized the urgency and importance of natural resource and energy projects on the campaign trail, he also said he would not force projects through against the will of Indigenous nations. How he will fast-track projects while fulfilling the constitutional duty to consult remains to be seen.”

UN Special Rapporteurs

United Nations Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples, José Francisco Calí Tzay, has stated: “[Canada should] suspend large-scale mining and other business activities in the Ring of Fire region … until the free, prior and informed consent of the Indigenous Peoples affected is secured.”

And UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights to safe drinking water and sanitation, Pedro Arrojo Aguda, has recommended: “Suspend large-scale mining and oil and gas pipeline projects, such as mining in the Ring of Fire and the Coastal GasLink, Trans Mountain and Line 5 pipelines, until the necessary processes of assessing the impact of long-term risks to human rights, the environment and biodiversity, and guaranteeing the right of the Indigenous Peoples concerned to respect for the principle of free, prior and informed consent, have been completed.”

Land defenders at risk

PBI-Canada has signed this open letter letter that highlights: “Mining always comes with risks of human rights and environmental abuses. Over 510 allegations of abuses associated with top-producing mining operations of cobalt, copper, nickel, manganese, lithium, and zinc have been documented in the past decade – with one in four associated with attacks against human rights defenders.”

That open letter called for “clear protection mechanisms for human rights and environmental defenders.”

We continue to follow this.

PBI-Colombia present as CREDHOS witnesses the socialization of the JEP decision on the Magdalena River

JEP video still from ceremony on May 11, 2025.

The Regional Corporation for the Defence of Human Rights (CREDHOS) has posted on Facebook:

The River has its own voice and a space in transitional and restorative justice.

In Barrancabermeja, the victims of different collective and individual processes, the fishing communities and pilots of the Magdalena River, social organizations, human rights defenders, national institutions, departmental and local governments, and international organizations/mechanisms, witnessed the Socialization of the decision to accredit the Magdalena River as a victim and special intervener before the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP).

In the midst of art, culture and the riparian communities’ own narratives, this space sought to vindicate the Magdalena River as a victim and recognize the need to work on a joint plan for its reparation and conservation.

The JEP decision

On May 10, Infobae reported: “The Recognition Chamber of the JEP, in the judicial development of all the facts related to the armed conflict in Colombia, recognized the Magdalena River as a victim and subject of rights.”

PBI accompanied organizations

That Infobae article further highlights: “This measure was taken during the closure on Friday, May 9, 2025, and announced through an official statement. It responds to a request submitted by various social organizations, including the Regional Corporation for the Defense of Human Rights [CREDHOS], the Workers’ Union [USO], the José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers’ Collective [CCAJAR]; the Peasant Association of the Cimitarra River Valley [ACVC] and the Development and Peace Program of the Middle Magdalena, which came on December 5, 2024 to file the petition.”

Peace Brigades International accompanies CREDHOS, CCAJAR and ACVC.

Photo: PBI-Colombia was at the May 11 ceremony. Photo by CREDHOS.

The ceremony

Then on May 11, the JEP tweeted:

Iván Madero, president of @Credhos_Paz spoke of the expectations generated in the communities by the recognition of the Magdalena River as a victim and special intervener in #Case08:

“Recognize the historical responsibility for the constant contamination, not only of the river, but of all that aquatic ecosystem connected to the Magdalena River. Strengthen artisanal fishing. We all have to do with the river; the river is part of our life and our being, and we must recognize it,” said Madero, who added that proposals for restorative actions for the region around the Magdalena River must now be promoted.

The JEP also tweeted:

In a symbolic act, the collectives of fishermen and pilots or motorists who work on the Magdalena River, presented a net with the colors of the National Flag to Magistrate Catalina Díaz Gómez.

“With this net we bring sustenance to our homes, but it is also the net of a whole country that has to unite with our great Magdalena River”, said Yuly Andrea Velásquez Briceño, from the Federation of Environmental, Artisanal and Tourist Fishermen of Santander (Fedespan).

Significance of the JEP decision

In November 2024, El Espectador reported: “Yesid Payares [is] one of the peasant leaders of the township of El Guayabo who asked a few weeks ago that the Magdalena River be recognized by the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) as a victim of the armed conflict in Colombia.”

That article adds: “If the Magdalena River is recognized as a victim, it would become an ecosystem under protection and it would be ensured that there are no effects such as in the dumping of chemicals or the diversion of its flow for other projects, as happened, for example, in Ituango with the construction of the hydroelectric plant.”

And it notes: “The CNMH [National Centre for Historical Memory] has pointed out that at least 1,080 people were thrown into 190 rivers in the country during the years of the conflict and that the figure could be even higher, taking into account that many of the bodies were mutilated in acts of torture.”

CREDHOS president Ivan Madero says: “The river has been used as a mass grave. Bodies were thrown into it to erase the traces of crimes. It has also been used as a corridor by all armed groups.”

We continue to follow this.

Further reading: PBI-Colombia accompanies CREDHOS as it organizes to have the Magdalena River recognized as a victim of the armed conflict (May 2, 2025).

Photo: CREDHOS president Ivan Madero, PBI-Colombia and PBI-Canada on the banks of the Magdalena River in Puerto Wilches, June 28, 2022.

Translocal learning and the protection needs of environmental defenders, campesina and Indigenous communities in British Columbia and Colombia

Photos: Unist’ot’en territory in British Columbia; “La Perla Amazónica” Campesina Reserve Zone in Putumayo, Colombia.

Environmental defenders in the Putumayo region of Colombia and on Wet’suwet’en, Gitxsan and Gitanyow territories in Canada face a range of threats.

In December 2023, Amnesty International Canada highlighted: “A new report by Amnesty International traces the years-long campaign of violence, harassment, discrimination, and dispossession against Indigenous Wet’suwet’en land defenders resisting the construction of Coastal GasLink (CGL) liquified natural gas pipeline through their unceded ancestral territory without their free, prior and informed consent.”

The pending approval of the Prince Rupert Gas Transmission (PRGT) fracked gas pipeline brings the risk of a similar campaign against the Indigenous Gitxsan and Gitanyow peoples of northern British Columbia.

In September 2024, Amnesty International also noted they had “documented repeated threats, stigmatization and harassment against Jani Silva and ADISPA [the Association for the Integral Sustainable Development of the Amazon Pearl] since at least 2017, and the way in which this has affected their work to defend the rights of their community and their commitment to the conservation and monitoring of biodiversity and water in their territory.”

Whether it is a fracked gas pipeline on Indigenous territories in Canada or oil extraction and mining operations that impact campesina (small-farmer or peasant) and Indigenous (including Inga, Nasa and Siona) communities in Putumayo, these extractive megaprojects create a context of risk for environmental defenders.

The spectrum of risk includes verbal threats, harassment, criminalization, removal from territory and threats.

The actors include transnational corporations, private security, the police and army (security forces), the court system, and illegal armed actors (paramilitary groups).

The responses can include state protection mechanisms (like the National Protection Unit/ UNP in Colombia), unarmed civilian protection/ UCP (that can be provided by organizations such as Peace Brigades International), and community-based self-protection initiatives (including the Indigenous Guard in Putumayo or the “Cimarrona Guard” in the northern Cauca region that defend Afro-Colombian territories).

Questions:

1- What are the extractive megaprojects now being faced by environmental defenders, campesina communities and Indigenous peoples in Putumayo and the territories of the Wet’suwet’en, Gitxsan and Gitanyow peoples in British Columbia?

2- What does “land back” mean in British Columbia and Colombia?

3- What threats are faced by environmental defenders in Colombia and British Columbia? How are they the same? How do they differ?

4- What protection mechanisms are needed to enable them to continue to uphold their rights and do their work?

5- What are the similarities, what are the differences between what is experienced in British Columbia and Colombia? What can be learned from this?

6- How should states fulfill their obligations to environmental defenders? What are credible demands that could be made to transnational corporations in relation to this? What can international organizations do? How can communities organize to defend themselves? Can these all work together?

We hope to be able to help make space for “translocal learning” that recognizes the interconnectedness of peoples that transcends national (colonial) borders, emphasizes the links between localities, and fosters connection and strengthens solidarity through in-person visits and virtual exchanges.

PBI-Guatemala starts accompaniment of Maya Q’eqchi’ frontline journalist Carlos Ernesto Choc

Photo: PBI-Guatemala with Carlos Ernesto Choc, February 2024.

The latest Monthly Information Package (April 2025) from the Peace Brigades International-Guatemala Project notes:

“At our twice-yearly assembly this April, we completed our analysis of the accompaniment request that we received from Carlos Choc, a Q’eqchi’ Maya journalist, human rights defender, and environmentalist known for his important work in journalism, his reporting on human rights violations, and his support for communities that are victims of violations, environmental injustices, and evictions. He works in Q’eqchi’ territory, in the departments of Izabal, Alta Verapaz, and Petén. Carlos was involved in a lengthy legal process in which he was criminalized but ultimately acquitted. However, because he has continued his work, he remains at risk, which led him to request our accompaniment. After reviewing his request, we decided to begin accompanying him this April.”

On May 9, 2025, Choc posted on Facebook: “#Izabal Locating new mining exploration wells in Sierra Santa Cruz. According to the people of the 54 communities of the Sierra Santa Cruz, in Livingston, Izabal, they have found new mining exploration wells, in the area located of the hill 1,019 in a tour they made on the 8th of May, in the sector of the estates of Santa Anita and Santa Anita ll.”

Rio Nickel, a subsidiary of Montreal-based CAN

On May 5, Prensa Comunitaria reported: “the company Río Nickel, which intends to operate in the Sierra Santa Cruz, located in the municipalities of Livingston and El Estor, Izabal, as well as Chahal and Cahabón, in Alta Verapaz.”

And on April 14, 2025, IRTF Cleveland had noted: “On January 28, authorities from Guatemala’s Ministry of Energy and Mines (MEM) were called to a congressional hearing, at which it was disclosed that Rio Nickel, S.A. (a subsidiary of Canada-based Central America Nickel, or CAN) has more than a dozen mining exploration applications for nickel and other minerals, almost all of them located in the Sierra Santa Cruz region.”

CAN and critical minerals

Central America Nickel describes itself as follows on LinkedIn:

“Central America Nickel Inc. (“CAN”) is a Canadian corporation positioned to become a major global supplier of critical minerals and energy metals, including nickel, lithium and rare earth elements. CAN is focused on sourcing, direct shipping, processing and purification of these minerals using its patented Ultrasound Assisted Extraction (UAEx) technology and other proprietary processes.

CAN controls directly or indirectly, various world-class resource properties including nickel, lithium, and rare earth deposits integral to the transition towards a clean energy and green economy, in Guatemala and the Democratic Republic of Congo, among other regions.”

Canadian history with the Fenix mine

The IRTF article also notes: “The harms caused by metallic mining are well-known to the communities of Panzos, Livingston, and El Estor in the Maya Q’eqchi’ region of the Sierra Santa Cruz mountain range. For sixty years, they have been exposed to the pollution caused by the El Fénix nickel mine in El Estor: contaminating Lake Izabal and other local water sources, threatening fishers’ source of income.”

In 1960, Toronto-based INCO Ltd. began negotiations with the military dictatorship of Guatemala to establish the Fenix mine. By 1965, EXMIBAL, a joint venture between INCO and the Guatemalan state, was granted a 40-year mining licence.

Professor Shin Imai has written: “Colonel Carolos Arana Osorio was responsible for clearing the Indigenous people out of the INCO region in Zacapa-Lake Izabal. He launched what has been referred to as a ‘reign of terror’ in the region, in which the number of people killed is estimated to be between three and six thousand.”

Professor Imai adds: “Major construction began on the El Estor mine in 1974 aided by a $20 million loan from the Canadian Export Development Corporation.”

Vancouver-based Skye Resources bought the mine from INCO in 2004. Skye Resources then merged with Toronto-based Hudbay in 2008.

The mine was purchased by Solway Investment Group in 2011.

In April 2023, Newsweek reported that Montreal-based Central America Nickel (CAN) could purchase the mine with the support of the U.S. Embassy.

Further reading

Past PBI-Guatemala Monthly Information Packages can be read on their website (in both English and Spanish) here.

We met with Carlos in Guatemala in May 2023 and then did a webinar with him on August 18, 2023. More on that at PBI-Canada conversation with Maya Q’eqchi’ frontline journalist Carlos Ernesto Choc (August 19, 2023).

PBI-Canada remembers Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh on the third anniversary of her murder

Photo: Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh was killed by the Israeli military on May 11, 2022. She was remembered at the June 1, 2022, protest against CANSEC.

Three years ago today, on May 11, 2022, Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh was shot in the back of her head by an Israeli soldier.

Now, Dion Nissenbaum, the executive producer of Who Killed Shireen?, writes in The Guardian: “For much of the world, Shireen Abu Akleh was the voice of Palestine, a brave, seasoned Al Jazeera journalist who repeatedly put her life on the line to cover the Israeli occupation of the West Bank.”

“After falsely blaming Palestinian militants for killing Shireen, the Israeli military begrudgingly admitted – four months later – that one of their own soldiers almost certainly shot the 51-year-old journalist.”

Nissenbaum adds: “A key Biden administration official familiar with the examination told us that the soldier who had killed Shireen probably could have been convicted of murder in an American courtroom.”

Al Jazeera video: “Trigger warning: Sensitive material below. Shireen Abu Akleh’s colleagues at Al Jazeera’s bureau in the occupied West Bank express shock and grief after the news of her killing by Israeli occupation forces.”

The weapons that killed Shireen

On June 17, 2022, Al Jazeera published “an image of the bullet that killed Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh.”

That article notes: “The ballistic and forensic experts concluded that the green-tipped bullet was designed to pierce armour and is used in an M4 rifle, Al Jazeera said, noting that the round was extracted from her head. ’The bullet was analysed using 3D models and, according to experts, it was a 5.56mm calibre – the same used by Israeli forces. The round was designed and manufactured in the United States,’ experts said.”

Forensic Architecture has also reported: “We identified the bullet, with its distinctive green tip, as an M855 SS109 5.56 x 45mm armour-piercing bullet, the type of munition common to IOF marksmen.”

In May 2022, Palestine Action noted: “IMI Systems, an Elbit subsidiary, is Israel’s main provider of 5.56mm bullets. These are the same type of bullet used by Israeli occupation forces to murder Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh.”

On May 2, 2024, Guns.com reported: “Colt’s Manufacturing of West Hartford, Connecticut this week got the nod from the U.S. Army to supply carbines and suppressors to be sent to Israel. The $26,675,000 firm-fixed-price contract, announced by the Pentagon, is listed as being for Colt ‘M4A1 carbines, suppressors, and flash suppressors.’.”

That article further highlights: “The IDF has also used American-made M4 and older M16A1/A2 models for generations.”

Photo: “We remember Shireen #ShutDownElbit” banner at protest against the CANSEC arms show in Ottawa.

175 journalists killed since October 2023

Nissenbaum further notes: “Israel has killed more than 175 journalists since 7 October 2023, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. More journalists were killed in 2024 than in any other year since the committee began documenting such deaths more than three decades ago. Israel killed nearly two-thirds of the 124 journalists who died around the world in 2024.”

Shut Down CANSEC, May 28

Colt Canada Corporation and Elbit Systems Ltd. are members of the Canadian Association of Defence and Security Industries (CADSI), the body that organizes the annual CANSEC weapons show.

Both Colt and Elbit exhibited at CANSEC in 2024.

@Shut.down.cansec on Instagram.

Further reading: PBI-Canada to observe the Shut Down CANSEC mobilization in Ottawa, May 28 (May 10, 2025).

PBI-Mexico accompanies the March of National Dignity: Mothers Searching for their Sons, Daughters, Truth and Justice

PBI-Mexico has posted:

“Mexico for #Mother’s Day, searching mothers gather across the country demanding justice and truth for the thousands of disappearances faced by Mexico.

From @PBI_Mexico we accompanied marches and rallies in Mexico City, Morelia and Cuernavaca.”

The Spanish news agency EFE reports: “Thousands of mothers marched this Saturday, as part of Mother’s Day in Mexico, to demand truth, justice and reparation for the more than 127 thousand disappeared in the country. In their demand, they also spoke out for the people who are dedicated to the search for their loved ones not to disappear or be murdered.”

On May 10, 2025, Infobae also reported: “19 searching mothers have been murdered in Mexico in the last six years.”

That article further notes: “According to the Mesoamerican Initiative of Women Human Rights Defenders (IM-Defensoras), 16 searching mothers have been murdered in Mexico from 2019 to date. …In addition to these cases, there are three more victims reported by the organization Movement for Our Disappeared in Mexico, in 2014, 2016 and 2017, respectively.”

And Proceso reports: “Searching mothers and children gathered on May 10 at the Angel of Independence to remember that there is nothing to celebrate in a country with more than 125,000 disappeared: ‘Because each one of them is a broken family, they are broken mothers, they are broken children, broken fathers, broken brothers, we are here, but in the heart, the whole family disappears.’”

Al Jazeera has previously reported: “Disappearances began during the Mexican authorities’ so-called dirty war against revolutionary movements of the 1960s to 1980s. More recently, disappearances and homicides have soared amid a nationwide push to crack down on drug cartels and organized criminal groups in the country.”

#DíaDeLasMadres

Additional reading:

PBI-Mexico accompanies Mother’s Day mobilizations in Puebla and Mexico City as the search for disappeared continues (May 13, 2024)

PBI-Mexico accompanies Mother’s Day events as the situation of enforced disappearances continues (May 10, 2023)

PBI-Mexico accompanies Mother’s Day march in Mexico City as the number of disappeared rises to over 100,000 people (May 11, 2022).

PBI-Canada to observe the Shut Down CANSEC mobilization in Ottawa, May 28

Photo from protest against CANSEC 2024. The large white banner says “Stop Profiting From War”.

Peace Brigades International-Canada will be observing the Shut Down CANSEC mobilization against the CANSEC arms show this coming Wednesday May 28 starting at 7 am at the EY Centre in Ottawa.

Information about Shut Down CANSEC can be found on Instagram here.

CANSEC is an annual arms show organized by the Canadian Association of Defence and Security Industries (CADSI).

Photo: The Ottawa Police Service at the entrance to the CADSI building during a May Day march that called for CANSEC to be shut down, May 1, 2025. Photo by PBI-Canada.

The more than 700 members of CADSI include transnational corporations such as Amazon Web Services, Inc., BAE Systems, Bell Textron Canada Ltd. The Boeing Company, Cisco Systems Canada, Colt Canada Corporation, Elbit Systems Ltd., General Dynamics-OTS-Canada, L3 Harris Technologies, Leonardo DRS, Lockheed Martin Canada, Microsoft Canada, Rheinmetall Canada Inc., and RTX (formerly Raytheon).

All of these companies are implicated in the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) list of Companies Profiting from the Gaza Genocide.

Universities supporting CADSI

CADSI members also include Algonquin College, Dalhousie University, Durham College, Fanshawe College, Georgian College, Lakehead University, Nova Scotia Community College, Ontario Tech University – ACE, Queen’s University, Saskatchewan Polytechnic, Université de Sherbrooke, University of British Columbia, University of Guelph, University of Ottawa, University of Toronto, and University of Waterloo.

In April 2024, CBC News reported: “Some of McGill’s investments that have drawn the ire of students and others for years, well before the latest Israel-Hamas war, include Lockheed Martin, a weapons manufacturer with direct ties to the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) and Safran, a French air defence company.” The Montreal Gazette further specified these companies: “Lockheed Martin, in which McGill has invested just under $520,000, as well as Thales SA ($1.3 million) and Safran ($1.5 million), all defence contractors.”

Students who set up encampments last year to call on universities to divest from genocide in Palestine were in many instances criminalized.

CADSI Board members

Their Board of Directors also include representatives of Stelia North America (that builds the shims that help open and close the weapons bay doors of F-35 fighter jets implicated in the genocide in Gaza), General Dynamics Land Systems-Canada (that build armoured vehicles sold to Saudi Arabia), and Logistik Unicorp.

CANSEC sponsors implicated in genocide

The sponsors of CANSEC 2025 include AWS, Boeing, Cisco, Google Cloud, Leonardo, Lockheed Martin, and RTX, again all companies implicated in the AFSC list of companies profiting from the genocide in Gaza.

Crown corporation facilitates weapons sales

The Ottawa-based government agency Canadian Commercial Corporation is also a member of CADSI and is present at CANSEC.

Project Ploughshares has explained: “The Canadian Commercial Corporation (CCC) is a Crown corporation that supports the Canadian private sector in winning export contracts with foreign governments. Its biggest portfolio is defence and aerospace and its biggest customer, in most years, is the US Department of Defense (DOD).”

In May 2018, the National Post reported: “The Canadian Commercial Corporation acknowledges it conducts no follow-up to ensure exported Canadian-built equipment isn’t being used to abuse human rights. …The CCC confirmed this in its email, saying it ‘merely provides contracting assistance to Canadian exporters’ and that it is those companies who are legally bound by the terms of the export permit issued by the Canadian government.”

The CCC office at 350 Albert Street, Suite 1100, in Ottawa.

50+ international delegations at CANSEC

CADSI highlights that CANSEC brings together “280+ defence, security &  emerging tech exhibitors”, “50+ local and national media”, “37+ MPs, Senators and Cabinet Ministers” and “50+ International delegations”.

While Global Affairs Canada does not publish a list of these international delegations, we have determined that Argentina, Bahrain, Chile, Equatorial Guinea, Hungary, Indonesia, Israel, Kuwait, Mexico, Oman, Peru, the Philippines, Qatar, United States, the United Arab Emirates have all attended CANSEC.

Unlike Global Affairs Canada, UK Defence and Security Exports does publish a list of the Countries, territories, and organisations invited by UK Defence and Security Exports (UK DSE), on behalf of His Majesty’s Government (HMG), to attend DSEI 2023 along with an asterisk that indicates the countries that did attend.

In September 2021, Dan Sabbagh of The Guardian reported that: “Six nations listed by the Foreign Office as ‘human rights priority countries’ have been invited by the British government to send delegations to Europe’s biggest arms fair, which begins in London’s Docklands on [September 14, 2021].”

Peru at CANSEC despite violations against HRDs

As just one example of the countries at CANSEC, Amnesty International noted in April 2025 that in Peru: “Investigations continued into deaths during protests in 2022 and 2023 [where security forces responded to protests with excessive use of force, especially in regions with largely Indigenous populations]. …Human rights defenders remained at risk, particularly Indigenous leaders, and protection mechanisms were lacking.”

Still from CADSI video promoting CANSEC 2023.

Photo: Placard at protest against CANSEC 2023 that says: “Canada No Arms Sales to Peru”.

NOMADESC: “We Colombians do not want more weapons”

On June 1, 2022, the PBI-Colombia accompanied human rights organization Association for Research and Social Action (Nomadesc) tweeted: “We Colombians do not want more weapons, no more massacres, no more disappearances, no more threats, no more fear. #StopTheGenocide. We demand truth, justice and guarantees of non-repetition. Don’t send us any more weapons. That has made them accomplices of Barbarism.”

“Unlawful killings continued in Papua”

Over the last seven years, Canada has exported more than $40 million in “military goods” to Indonesia (2017- $3.0 million2018 – $5,8 million2019 – $2,7 million2020 – $8,2 million2021 – $10,7 million; 2022- $8.4 million; 2023 – $285,000).

In their most recent The State of the World’s Human Rights report, Amnesty International documented that in Indonesia: “Public protests were met with excessive and unnecessary force by police. Journalists were targeted. Freedom of expression continued to be repressed under problematic laws. Unlawful killings, torture and impunity continued in Papua. …Research revealed that intrusive spyware and surveillance technology was imported and deployed by the government.”

That report also noted that in Indonesia in 2024 there were: “At least 123 cases of physical assaults, digital attacks, threats and other forms of reprisals against 288 human rights defenders were reported during the year. …In Papua, unlawful killings of civilians continued with impunity within the context of the conflict between the Indonesian military and armed separatist groups.”

In December 2022, the Australian alternative journal Green Left reported: “Community members gathered on December 1 to raise the West Papuan flag in the lobby of weapon’s company Thales’ office. The action was held to protest Thales’ weapons’ exports to Indonesia and call on it to recall its weapons from West Papua.”

That article adds: “Thales is one of many companies that manufacture weapons in Australia for sale to the Indonesian forces. Others include BAE Systems, Northrop Grumman, Electro Optic Systems and Rheinmetall Defence.”

Thales, BAE and Rheinmetall are exhibitors at CANSEC.

Canadian military exports puts HRDs at risk

On May 31, 2024, the day after last year’s CANSEC, Global Affairs Canada released its 2023 Exports of Military goods and technology report.

If one looks at the list of countries where Front Line Defenders documented the killing of human rights defenders in 2023/24, Canada exported military goods and technology to 10 countries (Bangladesh, Brazil, Colombia, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Peru, Philippines, Thailand and Ukraine) where 232 HRDs were killed.

The Business & Human Rights Resource Centre has also identified “630 attacks directly affecting an estimated 20,000 people” in 2023. The BHRRC further noted: “Over three quarters (78%) of these attacks were against people taking action to protect the climate, environmental and land rights.”

The police were implicated in 233 of the attacks, while the armed forces were implicated in an additional 42 attacks.

Of the 12 countries with the highest number of attacks against communities, Canada exported to 9 of those countries (including Brazil, Colombia, India, Indonesia, Mexico, the Philippines and the United States).

“Irresponsible arms transfers” by Canada

Last month, Amnesty International released their 410-page report The State of the World’s Human Rights. Reporting on Canada’s human rights record for 2024/25, Amnesty International highlighted (on page 120):

IRRESPONSIBLE ARMS TRANSFERS: “Canada continued to export arms and military equipment to countries despite lack of accountability for past violations and substantial risks that they could be used in serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. Arms worth USD 6.4 million were exported to Saudi Arabia, representing 42% of the total of non-US military exports. Authorization of new export permits for transfers of military goods to Israel was reportedly paused in January, although no official ‘notice to exporters’ was issued and at least 180 export permits remained active.”

UN Guiding Principles, the Rome Statute apply to weapons companies

Under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, all companies, including those that produce “military goods”, must assess and address human rights risks and abuses arising in all aspects of their business, including how clients such as national armies and police forces use their weaponry and related services.

Citing Article 25 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, Tayab Ali, director of the International Center of Justice for Palestinians (ICJP), has stated: “Aiding, abetting and in any other way assisting in the commission of a war crime including ‘providing the means for its commission’ is a war crime.”

Additionally, Amnesty International has highlighted that the legal concepts of “corporate complicity” in and the “aiding and abetting” of international crimes could in the future apply to arms companies that continue supplying weapons in the knowledge that they may be used to commit or facilitate serious violations of human rights.

“Security assistance” from U.S. linked to extra-judicial killings

Both the Project Ploughshares peace research institute and the Canadian Association of Defence and Security Industries have stated that Canadian military exports to the United States are at least $1 billion a year, perhaps more.

In February 2023, Professor Patricia L. Sullivan at the Department of Public Policy, Curriculum in Peace, War, and Defense, University of North Carolina, noted: “Between 2002 and 2019, US$300 billion in US security assistance flowed to foreign governments and at least one million foreign nationals received US military training.”

Professor Sullivan adds in her Sage Journals article: “Does American military aid increase the risk of civilian harm? …Until very recently, there have been few systematic attempts to evaluate the effects of security sector assistance. …The results of this study suggest [there] is strong evidence that ‘lethal’ aid—military equipment, weapons, military training, and combat assistance—increases extrajudicial killings by security forces in states without effective institutions to constrain executive authority.”

US military training and the murder of Berta Cáceres

In December 2021, The Guardian reported on the role of the West Point military academy in New York state and the “School of Americas”, a US Army program in Georgia founded in 1946 to train soldiers in Latin America.

That article highlights that Roberto David Castillo graduated from West Point in 2004: “A Honduran high court found him guilty as the joint perpetrator in the 2016 assassination of the indigenous activist Berta Cáceres, then one of Latin America’s most prominent environmental defenders.”

It also notes: “Latin American soldiers – more than a hundred of whom have been accused of human rights abuse at home. Among them were two of the other seven men convicted in 2019 of participating in Cáceres’s murder.”

The Berta Cáceres Human Rights in Honduras Act

The “Berta Cáceres Human Rights in Honduras Act”, sponsored by US Representative Johnson, Henry C. “Hank,” Jr. in 2021, seeks to address the issue of security assistance.

This legislation proposes: “To suspend United States security assistance with Honduras until such time as human rights violations by Honduran security forces cease and their perpetrators are brought to justice.”

It is possible that the export of Canadian “military goods” to the U.S. help construct the “security assistance” they send to Honduran security forces that the “Berta Cáceres Human Rights in Honduras Act” is seeking to suspend.

Photo: Indigenous Lenca environmental defender Berta Cáceres was murdered in March 2016. The proposed Act to suspend security assistance to Honduras is named in her honour.

Military training and displacement in Guatemala

The Indigenous Q’eqchi’ community of Chicoyogüito in Guatemala was violently displaced from their ancestral lands so that an army base – then known as Military Zone 21 – could be established in the department of Alta Verapaz. More than 200 families were displaced from those lands on July 28, 1968, by the military.

After the displacement of the Q’eqchi’ community, the military base became a clandestine centre for illegal detention, torture, extrajudicial executions, enforced disappearance, and rape committed from 1978 to 1990.

The military base that displaced his community was rebranded in 2004 as Creompaz, a training base for UN peacekeepers. Independent journalist Dawn Paley has written: “Regardless of the mass graves at the base, military and police training continues there, supported by countries like the US and Canada.”

Photo: Q’eqchi’ message painted at the entrance to the base: “This land is ours”.

Criminalization of protest

Legal observers will also be present at CANSEC this year to monitor police actions against the Shut Down CANSEC mobilization.

Photo: Police confront protests against CANSEC and the corporations profiting from repression and genocide. Photo by PBI-Canada.

CADSI video still: The Ottawa Police Service watches as arms dealers and officials enter the CANSEC arms show.

Updates

For updates and reports on May 28, the day of the Shut Down CANSEC mobilization, go to PBI-Canada on Bluesky, Instagram, X and Facebook.

Image from Shut Down CANSEC.

PBI-Guatemala accompanies the Association for Justice and Reconciliation (AJR) at 12th anniversary commemoration of genocide conviction

Photo by Marco Hernandez/FGER.

On May 9, PBI-Guatemala posted:

Today #PBIacompanies in [the town of] Nebaj [in the department of El Quiché] the Association for Justice and Reconciliation -AJR- in the acts of commemoration of the historic sentence that condemned General Efrain Rios Montt for the #GenocidioIxil.

“This is how justice is done; thanks to the struggle of the surviving family members who bravely gave their testimonies and participated in the process” said the Coordinating Committee of Ixil Organizations (COI) in a press conference, “only with our efforts we will force the justice system to punish the war criminals”. COI called on all the people of Guatemala to continue fighting impunity and not allow the corrupt pact to be imposed.

During the events, the Indigenous Mayor and representatives of organizations presented awards to the witnesses and surviving witnesses of the massacres.

On September 9, the trial for genocide against Luis Enrique Mendoza Garcia, head of operations during the time of Rios Montt, will begin.

The Guatemalan Federation of Radiophonic Schools (FGER) also posted on Facebook: The Coordinating Committee of Ixil Organizations in #Nebaj, commemorates the 12th anniversary of the historic sentence for genocide, handed down against General José Efraín Ríos Montt, on May 10, 2013, for the multiple massacres and Human Rights violations committed against the Maya Ixil people, during the Internal Armed Conflict.

FGER then posted: During the conference, lawyer Santiago Choc of the [PBI-Guatemala accompanied] Human Rights Law Firm #BDH recalled that, on September 09, 2025, a new trial for “genocide” will begin against Luis Enrique Mendoza García, former director of the Operations Section of the Montt government, responsible for the repressive and murderous operations applied in the Ixil Region.

Efraín Ríos Montt committed genocide

On May 10 2013, Rios Montt was sentenced to 50 years in prison for the crime of genocide and 30 years for crimes against humanity. He was convicted of ordering the deaths of 1,771 people of the Ixil Maya ethnic group during his time as president in 1982 and 1983.

In August 2024, Agencia Ocote noted: Ten days [after his conviction], the trial was annulled by the Constitutional Court, due to alleged defects in the process. Guatemala’s highest court orders a repeat of it. That repetition comes five years later. While the trial was taking place again, Ríos Montt died at the age of 91, in April 2018.

Photo: Rios Montt in 1982.

General Luis Enrique Mendoza García

That Agencia Ocote article from August 2024 adds: General Luis Enrique Mendoza García, head of Army operations during the Ríos Montt government, is pending trial. Mendoza is accused of executing Plan Sofia, another of the counterinsurgency plans executed against the Ixil people [in 1982]. His case was supposed to begin on June 4, but it has been delayed because his defense attorney is the same Public Defense attorney who represents [Manuel Benedicto Lucas García, chief of staff of the Army from 1981 to 1982].

Further reading: PBI-Guatemala accompanies the trial of General Benedicto Lucas accused of genocide against the Maya Ixil people (April 27, 2024).

The Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemala (NISGUA) has also previously noted: Luis Enrique Mendoza García was first accused of genocide and crimes against humanity in 2011 along with Ríos Montt and other members of his Military High Command. Nevertheless,  he  remained a fugitive for seven years. He was arrested in 2019 after leaving a voting center in Salamá, Baja Verapaz during Guatemala’s general elections.

That article also explains that Luis Enrique Mendoza García was the Chief of Operations (G3) of the General Staff of the Guatemalan Army during the dictatorship of Efraín Ríos Montt in 1982 – 1983. He is being accused of genocide and crimes against humanity against the Maya Ixil people.

Genocide

The 36-year-long war (internal armed conflict) in Guatemala began in November 1960 (after a US-backed coup in June 1954) and ended in December 1996 with signing of the Agreement for a Firm and Lasting Peace.

The internal armed conflict killed an estimated 200,000 people and displaced more than one million people between 1960 and 1996.

45,000 people are still unaccounted, including 5,000 children.

The conflict between state military forces and guerilla combatants was underpinned by the poverty, marginalization and racism against Indigenous peoples.

The United Nations-backed Commission for Historical Clarification established in June 1994 determined that the Guatemalan military was responsible for 93 per cent of the atrocities – including forced disappearances, massacres and torture – and that 83 per cent of the victims were Indigenous Maya peoples.

The Commission concluded that acts of genocide occurred during the war.

Accompaniment

The Association for Justice and Reconciliation (AJR) is a coalition of survivors from 22 communities in five regions of the country that suffered the scorched earth policy between 1978 and 1985.

PBI-Guatemala began accompanying the AJR Board of Directors in April 2024 and will continue to do so for the duration of this judicial process.

Further reading: PBI-Guatemala accompanies the Association for Justice and Reconciliation (AJR) at #IxilGenocide trial (October 18, 2024).

ADDITIONAL BACKGROUND

Aljazeera reports: “During the Cold War, the US backed military dictatorships in Latin America that suppressed leftist movements, [says] Jehad Jusef, the vice president of the Palestinian Union of Latin America, an association of Palestinian diaspora groups.”

The article adds that Israel served “as a major arms dealer to the US-backed military dictatorships in places like Guatemala and Argentina.”

NACLA has highlighted: “Israeli press reported that 300 Israeli advisors helped execute the [March 1982 military coup that brought General Efraín Ríos Montt to power]… Through the height of la violencia (“the violence”) or desencarnacíon (“loss of flesh, loss of being”), between the late 1970s to early 1980s, Israel assisted every facet of attack on the Guatemalan people. Largely taking over for the United States on the ground in Guatemala (with Washington retaining its role as paymaster, while also maintaining a crucial presence in the country), Israel had become the successive governments’ main provider of counterinsurgency training, light and heavy arsenals of weaponry, aircraft, state-of-the-art intelligence technology and infrastructure, and other vital assistance.”

Then-University of Pittsburgh graduate student Rosa De Ferrari has also noted in the university publication Panoramas: “Five years before Rios Montt’s coup, in 1977, the U.S. cut off military aid to Guatemala based on human rights violations committed by the military. In a move that many saw as becoming a proxy for the U.S., Israel began arm sales to the Guatemalan government. By the 1980s Israel had become the largest supplier of weapons, military training, and surveillance technology to Guatemala.”

Spring Magazine further explains: “The US suspended military aid to Guatemala in 1977—their human rights abuses were a bad look, so Israel stepped in for them. Israeli president Ephrain Katzir [the president from 1973 to 1978] signed an agreement supplying the Guatemalan military with $38 million worth of arms during the civil war period, including rifles, helicopters, equipment for surveillance, and training.”

Another article in Aljazeera adds: “Israel sold weapons to the South African apartheid government in 1975… Napalm and other weapons were supplied to El Salvador during its counterinsurgency wars [supported by the US government] between 1980-1992 that killed more than 75,000 civilians.”

Keepers of the Water webinar: The Criminalization of Indigenous Land Defenders in Canada – Our Truth, May 22

We encourage you to watch this upcoming Facebook Live webinar on Thursday May 22 starting at 12:00 pm MST (2 pm ET) featuring:

Sleydo’ – Molly Wickham: Wing Chief of Cas Yikh, a house group of the Gidimt’en Clan of the Wet’suwet’en Nation.

Chief Na’Moks – Hereditary Chief, Tsayu Clan, Wet’suwet’en Nation.

Gwii Lok’im Gibuu – Jesse Stoeppler – Gitxsan hereditary leader and co-director of the Skeena Watershed Conservation Coalition (SWCC).

Shaylynn Sampson – Gitxsan woman from Wilp Spookxw of the Lax Gibuu with Wet’suwet’en family ties.

Corey Jayohcee Jocko – Mohawk from Akwesasne of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy, a multidisciplinary creator and defender of Indigenous and environmental rights.

(Left to right): Land and environmental rights defenders Chief Na’Moks, Sleydo’, Gwii Lok’im Gibuu, Shaylynn Sampson, Corey Jayohcee Jocko.

Keepers of the Water highlights:

“Join Keepers of the Water for a live webinar that brings together powerful voices from the frontlines of Indigenous resistance. This session will focus on the criminalization of land defenders across Canada, highlighting firsthand experiences, legal injustices, and the deep; rooted connection between land, identity, and sovereignty.

There is no cost to attend and no registration required. The event will be livestreamed publicly on our Facebook page. This is an opportunity to hear directly from those impacted and involved in the struggle to protect land and rights. All are welcome to witness, listen, and learn.”

Facebook link: https://www.facebook.com/keepersofthewater

Mandate

The Keepers of Water mandate is to elevate decolonized traditional Indigenous water governance. This is done by emphasizing Indigenous land-based knowledge, language and culture. KOW challenges the colonial narrative by critically analyzing the past and present practices in education, research and policy development.”

PBI-Colombia accompanies the CSPP on International Workers’ Day, highlights the police killing of Nicolás Neira

PBI-Colombia has posted on Instagram: On May Day, in commemoration of International Workers’ Day, we accompanied @FCSPP in the march in Bogota. During the march, an act of remembrance was held to commemorate 20 years since the murder of Nicolás Neira, which occurred on May 1, 2005, at the hands of the security forces. This case, accompanied by @dhcolombia, is awaiting the final pronouncement of the Supreme Court. This is the first case of lethal violence in the context of social protest that has reached this high court, and the only one for which a sentence has been issued against a member of the now defunct ESMAD. This ruling could set a key precedent for other similar cases.

The FCSPP refers to the Committee for Solidarity with Political Prisoners who Peace Brigades International has accompanied since 1998. dhColombia is the Associated Network of Human Rights Defenders who PBI has accompanied since its founding in 2016.

The ESMAD refers to the the Mobile Anti-Riot Squadron. During the National Strike in Colombia in 2021, the Canadian labour movement including the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC), the Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC) and the National Union of Public and General Employees (NUPGE) supported the popular call for the dismantling of the ESMAD.

In June 2023, the ESMAD was rebranded by the government of President Gustavo Petro and is now called the Dialogue and Order Maintenance Unit (UNDMO).

Photo: PBI-Colombia at May 1, 2025 march.

Supreme Court of Justice preparing “historic decision”

On May 1, El Espectador reported: “Case of young man killed in protest could change justice against police officers. During the demonstrations for Labor Day in 2005, members of the Police murdered and tried to hide the crime against Nicolás Neira. Twenty years later, the case is in the Supreme Court of Justice, which is preparing a historic decision.”

That article adds: “A former police officer who was sentenced in two instances to 17 years in prison for homicide, after it was demonstrated, until now, his full intention to shoot the victim, then 15 years old, in the head with his sidearm. Since 2022, the Supreme Court of Justice has been studying the case, at the request of the convicted person.”

Nicolas Neira

Peace Brigades International has long followed the case of the police killing of Nicolas Neira.

In September 2019, PBI-Colombia posted: “On September 16, PBI Colombia accompanied @dhColombia at the indictment hearing in the case of the minor Nicolas Neira, which began the trial for intentional homicide against an ESMAD police officer.”

Photo by Canal 1.

Background

On April 1, 2022, Infobae reported: “The Superior Court of Bogotá upheld the conviction against the Esmad patrolman for the murder of Nicolás Neira. The 18th Criminal Judge of Bogotá had sentenced him to 17 years and four months in prison. The high court resolved in second instance the appeals of the defendant’s defense, which sought to declare the process null and void on the grounds of lack of jurisdiction of the ordinary justice system and an alleged violation of due process and defense.”

Documental Amarillo has also provided this context:

On May 1, 2005, during the mobilization of the International Labor Day, 14-year-old Nicolás David Neira Álvarez was killed in downtown Bogotá.

The person in charge is the officer Néstor Julio Rodríguez Rúa, belonging at that time to the first section of the Riot Squadron of the National Police of Colombia – ESMAD – commanded by then Captain Julio Cesar Torrijos Devia.

Senior officers of the ESMAD and the National Police tried to cover up the events by gathering their troops in order to unify the versions they would deliver to the authorities and agreed to say that Nicolás had fallen from his own height and had stuck with a bollard in head; others said that the product of a stampede had fallen and this would have caused his death.

12 years later, that is, on April 23, 2017, the then Captain Julio Cesar Torrijos Devia, went to the Attorney General’s Office and said that he had covered up the murder of Nicolás, on the orders of Captain Mauricio Infante Pinzón, and declared that the officer Néstor Julio Rodríguez Rúa, was the one who operated the weapon with which the minor, Nicolás Neira, was murdered.

In the middle of 2017 and despite the existence of multiple tests to bring Néstor Julio Rodríguez Rúa to trial, the 40th Prosecutor Specialized in Human Rights of Bogotá, decided to make a pre-agreement with the defense of the officer, he accepted charges and received benefits such as the reduction of punishment and the degradation of conduct, a pre-agreement that was accepted by the judges of the case by wrapping the criminal actions of the ESMAD with impunity, and undermining the rights to the judicial and material truth that the victims have and society.

We continue to follow this.

Further reading: PBI-Canada interview with Oscar Ramirez of the CSPP on dismantling the ESMAD riot police in Colombia (February 16, 2023).