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PBI-Honduras accompanies ASOPODEHU at march against deaths from dengue epidemic

On July 10, the Peace Brigades International-Honduras Project posted that it had accompanied ASOPODEHU to the observation of a march called by the Platform for the Defence of Health and Education to denounce corruption and the lack of resources in the face of the dengue epidemic that Honduras suffers between other issues.

The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies says that a total of 11,436 cases of dengue had been reported in Honduras as of June 2-8.

Proceso Digital highlights (in Spanish), “So far this year the dengue epidemic registers 90 deaths suspected of dengue, of which 48 have already been confirmed.”

The outreach for the march said that the number of deaths could be as high as 101.

The Platform says, “We regret that children are dying in our country, which are the future, due to the negligence and corruption of the rulers.”

Prensa Latina reports (in Spanish) that the mobilization condemned increases in dengue deaths and demanded the departure of the country’s president Juan Orlando Hernández.

On June 22, a controversy emerged when a truck donated to the Ministry of Health in Honduras by the Government of Canada to help address the dengue crisis was photographed being used to transport security forces.

The Canadian ambassador to Honduras James K. Hill issued a sternly worded statement that read: “We have insisted that immediate steps be taken to ensure that this unacceptable use of development cooperation resources provided by Canada does not happen again.”

There have been ongoing strikes and protests in Honduras since late April over President Juan Orlando Hernández’s proposed ‘reforms’ of the health and education systems, deep public dissatisfaction with his government, allegations of corruption, and findings of widespread irregularities in the November 2017 election.

On June 28, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights issued a statement noting that it is investigating the deaths of four people and that “another 78 people, including journalists and human rights defenders, have reportedly been injured by the security forces in the context of the protests.”

ASOPODEHU refers to the Association for Democracy and Human Rights in Honduras, an organization headed by journalist Dina Meza.

Its mission (translated from Spanish) is “to accompany victims of violations of their fundamental human rights, with emphasis on vulnerable groups: journalists, social communicators, women, youth, indigenous people, blacks and the community of sexual diversity.”

PBI-Honduras has accompanied Meza since May 2014.

PBI-Canada’s Paul Bocking reports on his field visit to Mexico

Toronto-based Peace Brigades International-Canada Board of Directors member Paul Bocking recently travelled to Mexico. This is his report:

On Tuesday, June 25, I met with Virry Schaafsma, the advocacy coordinator for PBI-Mexico, and representatives of several international and Mexico-based human rights groups (including Oxfam, UNHCR, CNDH, PRODESC, PODER, etc) at 4 am, at the Mexico City airport.

The team of about a dozen of us drove for four hours into the countryside to the small community of Ixtacamaxtitlán, in rural Puebla, through beautiful landscapes of small farms, rolling hills, mountains and rivers.

We were to monitor a community information meeting convened by the Mexican ministry of the environment (SEMARNAT), where a Canadian mining company would promote a proposed mining development, and residents would have an opportunity to ask questions, and potentially deliver comprehensive presentations in response.

The Canadian company, Almaden Minerals Ltd (which goes by the name Minera Gorrion in Mexico), had already begun exploration (i.e., drilling activities) despite the contested nature of its permit.

The company has not acknowledged claims by Indigenous communities in the area, which should legally require a higher level of informed consent to development.

Many residents are also concerned about the project’s potential to contaminate their water systems, and the general environmental consequences in an area that’s both very biodiverse, and with lots of existing human activity (farming, etc).

Our concern at the meeting was that opponents of the mine would have the opportunity to voice their concerns and not be threatened by the mine company or its supporters.

When we arrived at the meeting hall, we could see that roughly half of the 1400 attendees were wearing yellow hats and t-shirts distributed by the company that said, ‘Yes to the mine, yes to jobs’.

We were sure to be as visible as possible, introducing ourselves to the police (whom we later learned had some relationship with the company – feeding them during the day, and had arranged for their presence), government officials and the company reps themselves.

The meeting began with a 45-minute PowerPoint presentation by the company, first emphasizing the jobs that purportedly would be created and the taxes paid, and then entering into detail on the protection of animals, forests and water systems.

Next, 24 people who had registered earlier, each delivered a five-minute presentation. Many were grad students, some were with local groups and NGOs. Around 20 were critical of the mine. Their presentations ranged from the highly technical, with 3D presentations of projected rainfall, and a level of detail that made the audience’s eyes glaze over, to very hard hitting.

The most provocative projected photos of mining disasters elsewhere in Mexico, and illnesses from exposure to toxic chemicals. “Is this what you want?” leading opponents to shout “No!” while supporters generally booed and heckled. The presenter closed stating, “Enjoy your t-shirts and free sandwiches, because that’s all you’re going to get from this company!” The hall erupted in cheers and jeers. I was briefly worried a big fight would break out.

On the other hand, we also heard a memorable presentation from a college of mining and metallurgy, titled ‘Mining in our lives’. The mining rep asked people to pull out their cell phones and look up at the steel beams holding up the ceiling: “The products of mining are all around us!” (his presentation was censured by SEMARNAT, who told him this didn’t count as an informative deputation). A rep from an explosives company began, “The history of dynamite starts in the 16th Century…”

During the course of these presentations, it was my impression that many of the yellow t-shirts and hats began to disappear. Wearing them also did not prevent one from clapping for opponents of the mine.

We later heard that people had been paid 150 pesos and the promise of a meal to visibly support the mine. Others were told they had to show up, if they wanted to get a job there in the future. Of the thousand or so people remaining in the hall, it really appeared that there were a few dozen very vocal supporters of the mine. Overall, it was a fascinating day.

The following Friday, June 28, I met at the offices of the Comite Cerezo in Mexico City, which was formed in the late 1990s to campaign for the release of political prisoners. It’s since been known for delivering human rights training to NGOs and political groups, and more recently, engaging in labour rights advocacy.

Alfonso Cerezo described some of their work supporting subcontracted custodians who clean Mexico City’s high schools. The workers were endeavouring to unionize, but the company pressured them to join a fake company-controlled union. Others were fired or didn’t have their contracts renewed. Unfortunately, this is very common in Mexico. A legal campaign continues.

The Comite Cerezo has received threats over the years from various authorities due to their advocacy work, hence PBI’s accompaniment.

I was proud to see the great work of PBI-Mexico, and glad to have met Virry.

Paul Bocking is a lecturer in labour studies at McMaster University and geography at the University of Toronto, and an elected local officer of the Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation. He studies labour internationalism, geographies of labour, and teachers’ work in Canada, the US and Mexico.

PBI-Mexico accompanies the search for the disappeared

The Peace Brigades International-Mexico Project has posted, “In Saltillo, Coahuila, PBI accompanies groups of families in search of missing persons.”

Saltillo is the capital and largest city of the northeastern Mexican state of Coahuila.

In their post, PBI-Mexico quotes relatives of the disappeared who say, “There is a lack of response from the government to the pain.”

Madeleine Wattenbarger, a journalist based in Mexico City, recently commented in The New Republic, “The president has tried to position himself as an ally of the relatives of Mexico’s more-than-40,000 disappeared people, creating a National Search Commission in February. The slow pace of advances, though, has led some to insist that his supposed efforts perpetuate the same impunity and denial as previous governments.”

The sheer numbers of those who have been disappeared is staggering. As noted above, more than 40,000 people have gone missing in Mexico since 2007.

And the crisis continues.

On May 29, Mexico News Daily reported, “The chief of the National Search Commission (CNB) has revealed that an additional 481 people have been reported missing since she took charge of the agency 100 days ago.”

According to official statistics, there were 1,779 registered cases between 1995 and 2018 of people having been forcibly disappeared in Coahuila.

On June 28, Mexico News Daily noted, “The federal government has apologized for its role in allowing a 2011 massacre in the city of Allende, Coahuila, when as many as 300 people were killed or disappeared at the hands of the Zetas cartel.”

The Governor of Coahuila also apologized on behalf of his government.

The news article adds that Interior Secretary Olga Sánchez Cordero “acknowledged that local police participated in the disappearances, while higher-level officials had advance knowledge of the Zetas’ plan and did nothing to prevent it.”

The PBI-Mexico website notes, “The collectives of family members of disappeared people that have organized themselves in order to search for their loved ones, as well as the international pressure surrounding the topic have permitted certain advances in the work undertaken in the search for and identification of disappeared people.”

It highlights as an example that recommendations from the United Nations Working Group on Forced and Involuntary Disappearances have begun to be implemented.

In 2017 a state law was adopted with the aim of identifying “each and every disappeared person as well as remains localized in open fields.”

In turn, this law led to an Exhumation Plan that facilitates coordination between authorities and civil society in the search for and identification of bodies.

PBI is an international observer in the Exhumation Plan.

PBI-Mexico also accompanies the Diocesan Human Rights Centre Fray Juan de Larios A.C., an organization that provides legal aid, psychological assistance and organizational support for the families of the disappeared.

PBI-Mexico has noted some challenges with the Exhumation Plan but has commented that it “at least [offers] a glimmer of hope within the bleak panorama of forced disappearance in Mexico.”

It’s poignant to remember the impact of the disappearances on families.

On May 10, Mother’s Day in Mexico, thousands of mothers marched in 23 cities across the country to demand that the government find their disappeared children.

“Mother’s Day is not a party, it is a struggle and a protest.”

#HastaEncontrarlos (Until they are found)

PBI-Mexico accompanies Saltillo Migrant Shelter as migrant rights crisis deepens

The Peace Brigades International-Mexico Project has tweeted an excerpt from a Conexión Migrante article (in Spanish) that says: “All human beings without exception have rights in the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States, whether you are a foreigner or a citizen, the Magna Carta supports you.”

That article is titled Learn about your rights as a migrant in Mexico.

The PBI-Mexico tweet tags @CDMSaltillo.

That’s the Casa Del Migrante de Saltillo.

The Saltillo Migrant Shelter is located in the Mexican state of Coahuila which shares a 512-kilometre border with Texas.

PBI-Mexico has previously noted, “The Saltillo Migrant Shelter offers daily humanitarian assistance — including clothes, medicines, food, rest, and medical and psychological care — to hundreds of migrants crossing Mexico to reach the United States.”

That PBI-Mexico article highlighted, “[The shelter] also defends migrants’ rights through the documentation of cases of kidnapping, extortion, abuses and violations that they suffer during their journey through Mexico. The organization lodges complaints about violations after gathering migrants’ testimonies.”

Those services are much needed.

On July 1 of this year, The Washington Post quoted a Salvadoran official who has worked with Mexico on migration issues saying, “Even though in Mexico, migration is not a crime, migrants are being treated like criminals and feel that way.”

That article adds, “In the weeks since Mexico signed a pact with the United States to stop migration, conditions in detention centers and shelters have deteriorated dramatically, according to diplomats and human rights officials who have visited the facilities.”

“The conditions have cast doubt on Mexico’s ability to fulfill its promise to the Trump administration — to swiftly end migration to the United States — while ensuring the humane treatment of the migrants.”

The Washington Post article also gives this numerical description situation: “Mexico has detained 99,203 migrants this year and deported 71,110 of them, according to its immigration agency. That’s more than were detained in all of 2017.”

Furthermore, in May 2017, Médecins Sans Frontières‎ (MSF) noted, “68.3 percent of the migrant and refugee populations entering Mexico reported being victims of violence during their transit toward the United States [and] nearly one-third of the women surveyed had been sexually abused during their journey.”

That report explained, “MSF patients reported that the perpetrators of violence included members of gangs and other criminal organizations, as well as members of the Mexican security forces responsible for their protection.”

This spring, the Canadian Press reported, “The United Nations is urging Canada to help ease Mexico’s refugee burden by helping resettle some of the most vulnerable of its new arrivals, including women, children and LGBTQ people.”

That article added, “A spokeswoman for Immigration Minister Ahmed Hussen was unable to provide statistics of how many Mexican asylum seekers Canada has received recently.”

Overall, the Saltillo Migrant Shelter provides support to more than 8,000 migrants each year.

Because of this migrant justice work, the staff and volunteers at the shelter have suffered harassment, surveillance and threats.

The Peace Brigades International-Mexico Project has provided accompaniment to the Casa Del Migrante de Saltillo since February 2014.

To help support the writing of more articles like this one, please make a donation to Peace Brigades International-Canada by clicking here.

PBI-Mexico accompanies Focal Group that raises concerns about megaprojects

Mexican human rights groups are raising concerns about the Mayan Train project that has attracted the interest of Canadian investors.

On July 5, Contralinea reported (in Spanish):

“Human rights organizations call on the federal government, headed by Andrés Manuel López Obrador, to carry out a ‘balance’ between the projects that this administration intends to develop [such as the Mayan Train project] and respect for the environment, the rights of indigenous peoples over their territories and natural commons…”

The Focal Group

That article notes that the Peace Brigades International-Mexico Project accompanies the Focal Group of Civil Society on Business and Human Rights.

Members of the Focal Group include: The Mexican Centre for Environmental Law (CEMDA), the Business and Human Rights Resource Centre (BHRRC), the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Project (ProDESC), and The Project on Organizing, Development, Education, and Research (PODER).

PBI-Mexico has accompanied the Focal Group since 2015.

The Mayan Train

The Mayan Train (el Tren Maya) is a $6-8 billion project that would involve the building of 1,500 kilometres of railroad track, nearly one-third of it through tropical forests.

It would link Mayan archaeological sites as tourist destinations in five southeastern states: Campeche, Chiapas, Quintana Roo, Tabasco and the Yucatán.

The track would also be used to move commercial freight.

On January 15, Diálogo Chino reported, “Italian, Canadian and Chinese companies have shown great interest in the Mayan Train.”

In their analysis of Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) earlier this year, PBI-Mexico commented:

“The organizations that we accompany continue to be concerned for AMLO’s position on the rights of Indigenous populations, given that his public discourse seems to respect their autonomy, but he continues to propose initiatives of megaprojects such as the Mayan Train or new mining investments.”

No Indigenous consent

AMLO is championing the Mayan Train project even though it lacks the free, prior and informed consent of Indigenous peoples in Mexico.

In December 2018, Mexico News Daily reported, “[Mayan activists on the Yucatán peninsula] contend that the development of megaprojects on the peninsula means stripping their lands, deforestation and contamination of water and food, affects productive activities such as beekeeping, causes health problems and threatens their culture and traditions.”

The Mayan communities say, “There’s nothing Mayan about the train.”

The Diálogo Chino quotes Gustavo Alanís, director of the Focal Group member group CEMDA, who commented, “Consultations with communities and Indigenous peoples have to be held according to the ILO’s convention 169, which indicates there must be free, prior and informed consent.”

Water pollution

Furthermore, Victor Lichtinger and Homero Aridjis wrote in The Washington Post in December 2018, “No plan for the train has been made public, and there have been no environmental, social or economic viability studies.”

They also highlighted, “The proliferation of hotels and private houses around Bacalar [which is on the train’s route], known as the lake of seven colors, is already polluting its crystalline waters. A dramatic increase in tourism would turn the lake into a cesspool.”

Zapatista opposition

The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) has also expressed its opposition to the Mayan Train project.

The Digital Journal has reported, “The [Mayan Train] plan is to connect tourist havens with less visited archaeological sites such as Palenque, which is in Chiapas, where the Zapatistas are based and control large amounts of territory.”

Timeline

Construction on the track is expected to begin in 2020.

It could be in operation as early as 2022.

PBI-Mexico’s analysis, Weighing up the new government, on political prisoners, Ayotzinapa, militarization and territorial defence can be read here.

The full Contralinea article can be read (in Spanish) here.

To help support the writing of more articles like this one, please make a donation to Peace Brigades International-Canada by clicking here.

PBI-Mexico attends Contingency Plan meeting in Chihuahua

On July 4, the Peace Brigades International-Mexico Project posted in Spanish on both Twitter and Facebook, “At the tables of the Contingency Plan of Chihuahua. A public policy promoted by civil society that seeks to implement protection measures for defenders in the state of Chihuahua.”

PBI-Mexico has previously posted on its website that the Mexican government and the governor of Chihuahua signed the Contingency Plan in June 2017.

It explained, “[The Contingency Plan] was created from the Early Warning System [that 26 civil society organizations petitioned for in March 2016] for the protection of human rights defenders and journalists in Chihuahua.”

PBI-Mexico also explained, “The plan has 5 main themes: journalists and freedom of expression; vulnerable populations; the environment; the Tarahumara Sierra; and cross-cutting strategies like justice, transparency of information and the legal context.”

The report Turning the Tide on Impunity: Protection and Access to Justice for Journalists and Human Rights Defenders in Mexico, produced by Peace Brigades International and the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), gives further details.

That report, published in March 2019, notes, “[Mexico’s Mechanism to Protect Human Rights Defenders and Journalists] has begun to address prevention through the development of ‘early warnings’ and ‘contingency plans’, a system aimed at preventing future attacks against journalists and human rights defenders.”

“In any state where an early warning is activated, Mechanism staff are charged with collaborating with the state government and, ideally, local journalists and human rights defenders, to put together a written assessment of the situation of journalists and defenders in that state.”

“The assessment is then used to develop a contingency plan with actions designed to combat the root causes of the risks posed to these groups.”

The report also notes, “Importantly, the plan includes strategies on how to strengthen Chihuahua’s justice institutions and legal framework in order to improve investigations into crimes against journalists and human rights defenders.”

“So far the implementation process been highly participatory: working groups between civil society organizations, federal and state authorities, and representatives from the OHCHR [Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights] and CNDH [National Human Rights Commission] are held periodically to discuss best practices for implementation.”

The report also points to some challenges.

“Despite the commitments made under the plan, Chihuahua authorities have not yet launched campaigns to raise awareness of the underlying factors contributing to violence against this population, such as the overexploitation of water, organized crime, and lack of government presence in the Sierra Tarahumara.”

“During [former President Enrique] Peña Nieto’s administration some federal authorities responsible for addressing specific actions related to the plan—such as those concerning environmental management or improving conditions in the Sierra Tarahumara—sent representatives who had no decision-making power to the working groups, and later provided little to no follow-up.”

The report concludes, “While not without flaws, Chihuahua’s experience could arguably be seen as a model for other Mexican states to follow.”

“Notably, in June 2018, the UN and IACHR [Inter-American Commission on Human Rights] Special Rapporteurs for freedom of expression affirmed that ‘the Contingency Plan in Chihuahua, if developed properly and in a transparent manner, has the potential of becoming one of the best practices in the region regarding prevention measures for human rights defenders and journalists’.”

The Peace Brigades International-Mexico Project’s team based in Chihuahua has been observing the Contingency Plan process since May 2017.

To help support the writing of more articles like this one, please make a donation to Peace Brigades International-Canada by clicking here.

Honduran military’s use of Canadian truck raises controversy

Concerns are being raised after a photo of Honduran soldiers riding in a truck with a Canada logo on it began circulating on social media.

On June 22, Honduras Solidarity tweeted, “Vehicles w/ Canadian flag that were ‘donated’ to Min. of Health, carry Military Police to repress protesters defending public education & healthcare. Pics are circulating on social media in Honduras.”

By June 27, Proceso reported (in Spanish), “The publication provoked a reaction from the Canadian ambassador in Honduras, James K. Hill, who issued a statement in which he stated that his government ‘is deeply concerned about the recent images circulating in Honduras showing vehicles with the Canadian logo, transporting military personnel’.”

The photo was also reported on by Tiempo, La Prensa, and Criterio.

The Honduran Minister of Health Alba Consuelo Flores has now explained that the truck was being used to transport soldiers to provide security to the health teams that were doing their work in areas where there is conflict.

Minister Flores has stated (in Spanish), “We carried out the investigation in the departmental sanitary region of Colón and they told us that the vehicles were used to transfer the soldiers who accompany the contingents who move through neighborhoods and some dangerous places to clean up the dengue.”

And she has noted, “We continue to do a more thorough investigation, we have sent explanations and apologies to the Canadian embassy.”

Criterio reports (in Spanish), “The uniformed were transferred in a sector of Tegucigalpa where a repression was made against demonstrators who protested, demanding the exit of the power of the head of government, Juan Hernández.”

The Canadian ambassador’s statement says, “These vehicles were only intended to allow employees of the Ministry of Health to reach remote populations and improve access to health services by vulnerable populations.”

The ambassador’s sternly worded statement adds, “We have insisted that immediate steps be taken to ensure that this unacceptable use of development cooperation resources provided by Canada does not happen again.”

Canada in Honduras

Canadian journalist Sandra Cuffe reports in this Al Jazeera article that June 29 marked the tenth anniversary of the coup in that country “that set in motion a decade of political crises, violence, mass protests, militarisation and repression.”

That article adds, “Violence spiked after the coup, and so did murders of social movement activists, indigenous community leaders, and journalists.”

Toronto-based academic Tyler Shipley, the author of Ottawa and Empire: Canada and the Military Coup in Honduras, has stated, “The primary agents of the coup in Honduras were the oligarchy (a group of super rich families that dominate Honduran economic and political life) and the military.”

He comments, “Canada prefers a government like the one that took over after the coup, which cracked down on popular protest, lifted the moratorium [on mining], and invited Canadian mining companies to help write the new mining code.”

Montreal-based author-activist Yves Engler has noted, “From 1996 – 2006 Canadian companies were the world’s second-biggest investors in Honduras, trailing only U.S. corporations in levels of foreign investment.”

And Nobel Peace Prize winner Jody Williams, who visited Honduras with the Ottawa-based Nobel Women’s Initiative in 2012, has also commented on the impact of Canadian mining interests in Honduras.

She wrote in the Ottawa Citizen that, “In creating this new [mining] law, the Honduran government has bent over backwards to meet the needs of Canadian and other mining companies, but has carried out almost no consultations with Honduran civil society and community organizations.”

The current situation in Honduras

The political situation is becoming increasingly tense in Honduras.

Leading up to the tenth anniversary of coup, Agence France Presse reported, “Honduran military police opened fire on protesting students at a university on Monday [June 24], wounding at least five, campus and hospital officials said.”

On June 28, the Peace Brigades International-Honduras Project shared this statement by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.

That statement notes, “Since 27 May, protests took place in at least 14 departments of Honduras.”

It adds, “To date, the UN Human Rights Office in Honduras is investigating the death of four people, including three adults and one child. Three of them were shot dead, and the fourth died as a result of a blade injury.”

And it highlights, “Another 78 people, including journalists and human rights defenders, have reportedly been injured by the security forces in the context of the protests.”

PBI-Honduras accompanies six human rights organizations in Honduras — including COPINH (which was led by Berta Cáceres who was assassinated in March 2016 over her opposition to a hydroelectric dam), C-LIBRE (an organization that defends and promotes freedom of expression) and ARCOÍRIS (a group that works to defend and promote the human rights of the LGBT community) — as well as journalist Dina Meza.

To help support the writing of more articles like this one, please make a donation to Peace Brigades International-Canada by clicking here.

PBI-Canada and PBI-Mexico meet with Comite Cerezo

Peace Brigades International-Canada Board member Paul Bocking writes, “Meeting with Antonio of Comite Cerezo, a human and labour rights group in Mexico City accompanied by Peace Brigades International – Mexico Project.”

The Alliance for Global Justice has explained, “Antonio and other family members and associates were part of the student movements of the 90s and early 2000’s before several of them were framed, arrested, and incarcerated by the Mexican government. Antonio spent more than seven years as a political prisoner.”

PBI-Mexico further notes on their website, “The Cerezo Committee was established after the arrests, torture and detentions of the brothers Alejandro, Héctor and Antonio Cerezo Contreras in maximum-security penitentiaries in Mexico.”

PBI-Mexico has also highlighted, “The Committee currently defends the rights of victims of political repression in Mexico. It is a leading organization in the documentation of human rights violations in the country, also documenting violations committed against human rights defenders.”

On May 29, PBI-Mexico posted on their Facebook page, “[Comité Cerezo is] participating in a sit-in as part of the commemoration of the International Week of the Disappeared Detainee and the National Campaign against Enforced Disappearance in Mexico.”

That international week this year was from Monday May 27 to Friday May 31.

LaRed21 reported (in Spanish), “Various organizations of victims, indigenous, popular and human rights movements grouped in the National Campaign Against Forced Disappearance” took part in this sit-in.

The sit-in happened in the Zócalo, which is the common name of the main square in central Mexico City. It is the centre of government for both the nation and the capital.

Pagina12 has reported (in Spanish), “According to the latest data provided by the Secretariat of Human Rights of Mexico, in the Aztec country there are about 38 thousand people missing and in the last 12 years there were two thousand clandestine graves.”

That article also noted, “In a thousand of them, no exhumation process has yet been carried out because the state does not have the institutional capacities to carry them out, according to the Secretariat.”

And a RadioFórmula article (in Spanish) highlighted that the demonstration was “held almost six months after the start of the new government because there has been no progress on any of the cases of enforced disappearances.”

The PBI-Mexico website notes, “In addition to surviving torture and unjust detention, the organization’s members have been threatened and harassed.”

The Peace Brigades International-Mexico Project began accompanying Comité Cerezo in 2002.

To help support the writing of more articles like this one, please make a donation to Peace Brigades International-Canada by clicking here.

PBI-France holds conference on the struggle against gender violence in Kenya and France

On June 18, PBI France and allies held Conférence : Lutter contre les violences de genre (the ‘Fight against gender violence: Cross perspectives France Kenya’) at La Mutinerie in Paris.

The evening featured Kate Wangui, Ynaée Benaben and Fatima Ouassak.

Kate is with Kibera Women for Peace and Fairness, which works in Nariobi’s largest informal settlement.

Ynaée co-founded En avant toutes, an association that works for gender equality and the end of violence against women.

And Fatima is the founder of Réseau Classe/Genre/Race, a network that works on projects related to the issues of equality and intersectionality.

The public forum provided an overview of gender violence in France and Kenya as well as solutions on how to address that violence.

Thank you PBI-France for organizing this public forum and to the speakers who participated in it. This inspires PBI-Canada to work to organize similar public forums!

 

 

PBI-Spanish State present for the dedication of gardens in Madrid in honour of Berta Cáceres

On June 12, La Vanguardia reported that Mirian García Torres of PBI – Estado Español was present for the dedication of gardens in the Chamartín district of the City of Madrid in honour of Berta Cáceres.

That news report notes, “Berta Cáceres dedicated her life to the struggle for the rights of indigenous peoples and the protection of the environment and, in recognition of that dedication, Madrid City Council wanted her name to remain in the memory of the neighborhood.”

Gacetas Locales adds, “Devoting her life to the defence of human rights, in particular the rights of indigenous peoples, was the reason why the green zone located at the confluence of the streets of Enrique Jardiel Poncela, Santa María Magdalena and the avenue of Alfonso XIII is now called Jardines de Berta Cáceres.”

Cáceres was murdered in March 2016 for opposing a hydro-electric dam on the Gualcarque River on Lenca territory in Honduras.

Less than a year before she was killed, she inspired us with these words: “Let us build societies that are able to coexist in a dignified way, in a way that protects life. Let us come together and remain hopeful as we defend and care for the blood of this Earth and of its spirits.”

The PBI – Honduras Project began providing protective accompaniment to Copinh Intibucá, the organization Cáceres had led, in May 2016.

The news articles can be read at https://www.lavanguardia.com/politica/20190612/462842222585/unos-jardines-de-madrid-recordaran-a-berta-caceres-y-al-almirante-cervera.html and https://www.gacetaslocales.com/acto-homenaje-lider-indigena-berta-caceres-distrito-chamartin The City of Madrid media release is at https://diario.madrid.es/blog/notas-de-prensa/berta-caceres-da-nombre-a-unos-jardines-de-chamartin/

Soy una semilla, Berta no murió, se multiplicó.
I am a seed, Berta did not die, she multiplied.