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Kanehsatà:ke land defender Ellen Gabriel on ongoing land theft and colonial genocide in Canada

On June 21, Kanehsatà:ke land defender Ellen Gabriel was interviewed by CTV This Morning. That six-minute interview can be seen here.

In it, Gabriel says: “We’re trying to get the government to move to stop the land theft that’s going on and to sit down with the people who are also rights holders and don’t follow under the Indian Act of band councils.”

She further explains: “We are being squeezed more and more by urban sprawl, by development, we’re losing more land as time progresses.”

Gabriel also notes: “Canada’s colonial history … is a genocidal history.”

Moving forward, Gabriel says: “It’s that human rights framework that I think the government needs to come in with [rather than] protecting economic interests.”

Interview with Pam Palmater

You can also hear Ellen Gabriel and Judy Wilson of the Secwepemc nation interviewed by Mi’kmaq lawyer Pam Palmater here.

In this interview, Gabriel says: “The genocidal assimilation policies of Canada which are still continuing. We have no trust in Canada, we have no trust in the police.”

Siege on unceded Kanien’kéha:ka territory

This July 11 will mark the 31st anniversary of a siege by the Quebec police and Canadian military against Indigenous land defenders opposed to the expansion of a golf course in The Pines, an area that includes a burial ground.

The events of those 78 days from July 11 to September 26, 1990, are told in Alanis Obomsawin’s documentary Kanehsatake: 270 Years of Resistance and in the video by Kwakwaka’wakw historian Gord Hill The Oka Crisis in five minutes.

Ellen Gabriel, August 12, 1990.

Ratification of the Escazu Agreement for environmental defenders, the bill to prohibit fracking sunk in the Colombian Congress

RCN Radio: “In Bogotá’s Plaza de Bolívar, environmental activists donned dozens of shoes with red ink, symbolizing the environmental leaders killed in Colombia, as a symbolic act to ask Congress to ratify the Escazú Agreement.”

EFE has reported: “The Colombian Congress postponed on Thursday [June 17] the vote in the first debate on the Escazú Agreement, a necessary procedure for its ratification … [The] Congress has until [Sunday] June 20, when this legislature ends, to call a new vote; if that does not happen the project will be sunk.”

On June 20, Caracol reported: “The initiative, which had a message of urgency, and which was to be voted on this Sunday, June 20, despite the call from different sectors for it to be approved, did not take place any debate in that body.”

EFE adds: “The future of the Escazú Agreement in Colombia has been delayed for months in Congress even though President Iván Duque signed the bill in December 2019.”

Senator Ivan Cepeda says: “This important initiative has sunk or been shelved, and what this simply shows is that there is no will to protect the environment on the part of the president, the government, or his congressional blocs.”

Cepeda adds: “Nor has it included the ratification of the agreement in the special session that will take place in the coming days [Monday June 21 and Tuesday June 22], which is also another demonstration of that lack of will.”

Another Congressman commented: “Today, the [governing party] Democratic Center’s strategy of sinking the Escazú Agreement was evident; an international instrument that they did not like because it protected the environment, the territory and the life and work of environmental defenders.”

This also happened in the context of the legislation that would have prohibited fracking in Colombia was blocked by 15 members of Congress.

Canada and Escazu

Despite Canadian oil and gas investments in Colombia and the implications of those operations (including potentially fracking) on the safety of environmental defenders, Canada did not publicly call on the Colombian government to ratify Escazu.

Global Affairs Canada has suggested that given Canada is not a signatory or party to the agreement, it would not do so.

That said, Canada’s Ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva, Leslie E. Norton, told the UN Human Rights Council this past March: “Some states have established specific protection mechanisms to prevent risks and attacks against HRDs and to intervene when need be. Canada wants to stress these important milestones such as the Escazu Regional Agreement in Latin America and the Caribbean.”

On June 16, just prior to the expected vote in the Colombian Congress, the German, Swedish and Norwegian ambassadors to Colombia urged the Colombian government to ratify Escazu highlighting it “would send a very important political signal.”

In September 2018, Peace Brigades International endorsed the Escazú Agreement as “a means to guarantee a safe environment in which individuals, groups and organizations that promote and defend human rights related to the environment can act without facing threats, restrictions, attacks or danger.”

Secwepemc land defender Kanahus Manuel criminalized as she defends her ancestral territory from Canadian-owned tar sands pipeline

Indigenous land defenders are criminalized around the world for their defence of ancestral territories against dispossession and extractivism. Front Line Defenders has reported that 69 per cent of the 331 human rights defenders killed last year were working on land, indigenous peoples’ and environmental rights.

In the context of the Secwepemc struggle against an extractivist megaproject, land defender Kanahus Manuel has posted: “We are facing political and cultural persecution and facing fabricated, bogus politically motivated criminal charges at the hands of Canada, the crown and Trans Mountain TMX pipelines (which is crown-owned).”

Trans Mountain pipeline lacks Secwepemc consent

The Trans Mountain pipeline expansion (TMX) is an 890,000 barrel per day, 1,147-kilometre pipeline that would cross Indigenous territories from Alberta to the British Columbia coast. Almost half the length of the pipeline – 518 kilometres of it – would cross Secwepemc territory in British Columbia without free, prior and informed consent.

The Canadian government under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau bought the existing 300,000 barrel per day Trans Mountain pipeline for $4.5 billion in May 2018. It is estimated that the pipeline expansion will cost $12.6 billion.

The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has called on Canada “to immediately cease construction of the Trans Mountain Pipeline Expansion project and cancel all permits, until free, prior and informed consent is obtained from all the Secwepemc people, following the full and adequate discharge of the duty to consult.” The Committee also called on Canada to withdraw the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) from the traditional lands of the Secwepemc.

Criminalization of Secwepemc land defender Kanahus Manuel

Kanahus notes: “I have 2 cases I am fighting.”

September 30, 2019

Kanahus and her twin sister Mayuk were arrested on September 30, 2019, at a pumping station near Blue River on Secwepemc territory.

On May 21 of this year, APTN reported: “Two members [Kanahus and Mayuk Manuel] of a group fighting the Trans Mountain Pipeline are guilty of theft and intimidation after a confrontation in 2019, a B.C. provincial court judge decided this week.”

In response, Kanahus tweeted: “In another colonial attempt to criminalize Indigenous Land Defenders Mayuk was found guilty of ‘intimidation’ + me guilty of ‘theft’ w/intimidation charge against me dismissed. But know that we are not guilty we are Freedom Fighters!”

Kanahus adds: “I was found guilty of ‘theft’ for a supposed padlock from the gate of the Trans Mountain pump station, with no physical evidence, witness or video footage (yet there were 3 video cameras rolling did not see me physically take the lock, but I was still charged).”

APTN reports that Kanahus and Mayuk are to be sentenced at a latter date.

October 19, 2019

Then on October 19, 2019, Manuel and Isha Jules were arrested for “bugging” road workers on Highway 5 north of Blue River. They had stopped to tell construction workers they did not have Secwepemc consent to flag in preparation for roadwork.

That trial was scheduled to begin on June 16, but Kanahus has tweeted it was adjourned and rescheduled to December 13-14, 2021.

Kanahus has also tweeted: “Forced to colonial court to defend myself against charge of ‘bugging’ some construction workers / actual charge is mischief / reminder this is the same arrest that left me injured with broken wrist by the arresting rcmp cpl bowden / who I currently have a lawsuit against.”

RCMP assault of Indigenous female land defenders

Kanahus has highlighted: “Because of the violent attack and arrest that the RCMP inflicted on me October 19th, I also have a lawsuit against RCMP Cpl Bowden, the arresting officer. This Lawsuit is very important to make the RCMP accountable to their violence they inflict on Indigenous female land defenders.”

The Yellowhead Institute has tweeted: “RCMP slammed Kanahus to the ground & her arm was seriously injured – she was not taken to hospital for 10 hrs.”

To follow Kanahus Manuel on Twitter, click here.

Tiny House Warriors.

The CSPP wins key court ruling in prosecution of Colombian police officer in the death of Dilan Cruz

Jenni Alejandra Medina holds a photo of her son Dilan.

Yesterday, the families of Black and Indigenous peoples killed by the police in Canada held a media conference in front of the Prime Minister’s Office with the demand to defund, disarm, dismantle and abolish the police. In Colombia, the hashtags #DesmonteDelESMADYa (Dismantle ESMAD Now) and #LaPoliciaNosEstaMatando (The Police are Killing Us) are used. To see the video of the media conference in Ottawa, click here.

The Committee in Solidarity with Political Prisoners (CSPP) filed a motion on March 9, 2020, that sought the “investigation, prosecution and punishment” of those responsible for the death of Dilan Cruz be tried in an ordinary court, rather than a military court.

Cruz was shot at a national strike protest in Bogota on November 23, 2019.

EFE notes: “Cruz, 18, died from head injuries sustained from the shooting by an ESMAD officer with a 12-gauge shotgun whose ammunition was a bag with ‘multiple lead pellets’, according to a forensic report that considered the case a violent ‘homicide’.”

The National Police of Colombia, including the Mobile Anti-Riot Squad (ESMAD), fall under the Ministry of Defence along with the army, navy and air force, and constitute part of the “Public Force” in that country.

El Espectador explains that the Constitutional Court has (unanimously) ruled that the prosecution of Manuel Cubillos, an ESMAD riot police captain, in the death of Cruz will stay in the ordinary criminal jurisdiction (rather than the military criminal jurisdiction) following a tutela action filed by Jenni Alejandra Medina, Dilan’s mother.

Asuntos Legales adds: “According to Cruz’s relatives, the fact that the case was in the hands of the military criminal justice system created more gaps in the investigation and made the revictimization deeper.”

Dilan’s sister Denis says: “This is a decision that we have been seeking since December 2019 when the Colombian Justice referred the case to the misnamed Military Criminal Justice. Since then, as a family, we have had to suffer obstacles for the process to move forward.”

The CSPP comments: “As a judicial accompanying organization in the case, we welcome this decision [by the Constitutional Court] as an assertive first step in the search for truth and justice on the part, not only of Dilan’s family, but for all victims of the Public Force in Colombia, specifically within the framework of the exercise of social protest.”

But the CSPP also cautions: “Although this decision opens the door to the way to clarify what happened, we know that the fight for justice, truth and guarantees of non-repetition continue, so we hope, and we demand, that, in this new scenario, the Attorney General’s Office, guarantee an independent, truthful and effective investigation, order the re-assignment of the investigation to a Specialized Prosecutor, which will allow the full participation of the rights of the victims of State crimes in Colombia.”

The family of 16-year-old Eishia Hudson killed by a Winnipeg police officer on April 9, 2020 spoke at this media conference in Ottawa yesterday. For more, click here.

PBI-Colombia has accompanied the CSPP since 1998.

BLM media conference outside Prime Minister’s Office on police violence against Black and Indigenous peoples

Photo: Abdiaziz Abdi speaking about his brother Abdirahman, a Somali-Canadian killed by Ottawa police in July 2016.

Black Lives Matter Toronto tweeted: “On June 19, we’re bringing together Black & Indigenous families affected by police violence for a family led press conference. We’ll be joined by families of Anthony Aust, Regis Korchinski-Paquet, Abdirahman Abdi, Jamal Francique, Jermaine Carby, Eishia Hudson, Chantel Moore & more.”

The video of that gathering with all the speakers can be seen here.

The speakers included the family members of:

Jamal Francique: 28-year-old killed on January 7, 2020, when he was shot in the back of the head while in his car by a Peel Region police officer in Mississauga.

Eishia Hudson: 16-year-old killed on April 9, 2020, when she was shot while in a car by a Winnipeg police officer.

Regis Korchinski-Paquet: 29-year-old killed on May 27, 2020, when she fell from a 24th floor window while six Toronto police officers were in her apartment.

Chantel Moore: 26-year-old killed on June 4, 2020, when she was shot seven times by an Edmundston police officer during a wellness check.

Rodney Levi: 48-year-old killed on June 12, 2020, when he was shot by RCMP police officers in New Brunswick responding to a call for assistance.

Anthony Aust: 23-year-old killed on October 10, 2020, when he fell from a 12th floor window after an Ottawa police no-knock raid.

Jermaine Carby: 33-year-old killed on September 25, 2014, when he was shot at a traffic stop by a Peel Region police officer in Brampton.

Andrew Loku: 45-year-old killed on July 5, 2015, when he shot by Toronto police 20-seconds after arriving at his apartment.

Abdirahman Abdi: 37-year-old killed on July 24, 2016, when he was beaten to death outside his apartment building by an Ottawa police officer.

Chantelle Krupka: 34-year-old wounded on May 10, 2020, when she was shot in the abdomen at her home by a Peel Region police officer

To hear Chantelle and relatives of Anthony, Regis, Abdirahman, Jamal, Jermaine, Eisha, Chantel and Rodney speak at today’s media conference about their experiences and the trauma of police violence against their families, click here.

On October 30, 2020, Peace Brigades International convened the ‘Police violence has no borders’ webinar with human rights defenders from Kenya, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Colombia and Canada speaking on this issue. That video can be seen here.

PBI-Nederland Shelter City guest David Jiménez of Fray Juan de Larios on enforced disappearances in Mexico

Image from PBI-Nederland’s 7-minute video about David Jiménez.

On June 19, the magazine Mondiaal Nieuws published this interview in Dutch with 26-year-old Mexican human rights defender David Jiménez.

Jiménez works with the human rights organization Fray Juan de Larios (that PBI-Mexico began to accompany in February 2014) and has been a guest of the PBI-Nederland supported Shelter City in Utrecht for the past three months.

Mondiaal Nieuws reports: “Violence in Mexico has escalated since then-President Calderón declared war on drug cartels in 2006. He had the army take out leaders, causing the big cartels to disintegrate into smaller, often even more violent networks. They gained more and more control over local politics. They put pressure on politicians or won a seat at municipal or regional level.”

There had been hope that the situation would change with the election of Andrés Manuel López Obrador as the President of Mexico in 2018.

But Jiménez says: “There’s hardly any real change. The government doesn’t want that. Putting the truth on the table about all the murders and disappearances would expose the role played by the military and the authorities. And still playing.”

He adds: “It’s not in the government’s interest, so it’s trying to keep citizens quiet with memorial ceremonies and other symbolic gestures. Victims’ families don’t buy anything with that. It’s cynical: first the authorities are involved in a murder and then it assists the family.”

He further notes: “Nearly 90,000 people have disappeared since 2006, according to the National Missing Persons Investigation Commission. According to the United Nations, only 20 to 30 percent of all disappearances are reported. That would mean the actual figure could be around 400,000. The role played by the authorities in this is much greater than they appear. That’s the image Mexico portrays abroad.”

Jiménez says: “I escaped kidnapping twice. On my way home from university, I was attacked by men from the Zetas cartel. I was very scared and begged to let go. I gave up my phone and money, but luckily I got away. I was going to press charges, but I know there’s no point. In fact, leaving my address details with the police would not be safe. Those agents have ties to the cartels and can pass on my report immediately.”

“The threats come from criminal organisations, but also from local authorities, the military and the police. The latter sometimes invades during rallies or protests. They then take pictures and distribute them. The government sends female party members, so-called liderezas,to threaten and intimidate female protesters during protests.”

Jiménez also shares: “In 2014, 43 students disappeared from Ayotzinapa College in Guerrero state. They were on their way to a student protest but never got there. Soldiers also came into my university, looking for leaders of student protests. I didn’t feel safe in my own university, so decided to join the demonstrations. So, I met the families of the 43 missing students and ended up with Fray Juan de Larios.”

To read the full interview with Jiménez, please see: Mensenrechtenverdediger over Mexicaanse spiraal van geweld: ‘Mogelijk tot 400.000 verdwijningen’

Canadian CEO says fracking is “a unique opportunity for Colombia” just prior to Congressional vote

Photo by @ColombiaNoFrack.

This morning, the Alliance for a Colombia Free of Fracking tweeted: “Alert, TODAY the future of fracking in Colombia is being voted on.”

Just yesterday, Portafolio published this interview with Charle Gamba, the Chief Executive Officer of Calgary-based Canacol Energy, who commented: “The extraction of unconventional oil and gas is a unique opportunity for the country.”

The CEO of the company further stated: “The objectives of these [fracking pilot projects in Colombia] are to demonstrate that this important resource can be developed in an environmentally safe way, similar to how the same unconventional resources have been implemented in the United States and Canada.”

(The Vancouver-based Wilderness Committee has reported that there are more than 20,000 fracking wells in British Columbia that pollute half a million water trucks worth of freshwater each year and that traces of the known carcinogen benzene were 3.5 times higher in pregnant women in northeastern British Columbia, where fracking activities are concentrated, than the national average, and six times higher if they were Indigenous.)

VMM-2 and VMM-3 blocks

Canacol holds a 20 per cent stake in the VMM-2/Plata and VMM-3/Piranga projects. ConocoPhillips holds the remaining 80 per cent stake.

Semana Sostenible has reported: “Cesar-Ranchería Basin contains Block VMM-2 and Block VMM-3. Activity in these blocks would interfere with four municipalities in the department of Cesar (San Martín, Aguachica, Río de Oro and Gamarra) and one municipality in the department of Santander (Puerto Wilches).”

“Significant potential” to frack

On April 21, Valora Analitik reported: “Canacol Energy announced today the first results of an independent prospective evaluation of resources in the VMM 2 and VMM 3 blocks prepared by [Calgary-based] Boury Global Energy Consultants (BGEC) in the Magdalena Medio basin, one of the main areas identified to develop fracking pilots in Colombia.”

Gamba stated the results “reaffirm the materiality and significant potential of Canacol’s unconventional shale oil blocks.”

Timeline

In September 2020, Gamba told La Republica: “We are awaiting the regulatory framework, but we hope to run these pilots in the next two years.”

Community resistance

Canacol had previously attempted to frack the Plata and Piranga sites in 2016. An estimated 9,000 people marched in San Martin, Cesar in opposition to this. There was even a community blockade of their exploration site. Residents faced stigmatization, police brutality and criminalization. Those permits were eventually revoked because Piranga did not meet minimum conditions and Plata raised water protection concerns.

National strike and social protests

In May, more than 130 organizations announced their participation in the national strike. Among their demands was the prohibition of fracking. The signatories of this statement include the PBI-Colombia accompanied José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers Collective (CCAJAR) and Regional Corporation for the Defense of Human Rights (CREDHOS).

We continue to follow this situation closely given the human rights and environmental impacts of fracking and the death threats that have been made against prominent opponents of fracking in the Magdalena Medio region of Colombia.

@ColombiaNoFrack tweet:

PBI-Guatemala accompanies hearing for 21 Indigenous people arrested for seeking the return of their lands from a military base

CasoCREOMPAZ: The women of the Chicoyogüito community, outside the Court, awaiting the fate of their companions, express their demands “We only demand what is ours, our lands.” Photo by Prensa Comunitaria.

On June 18, Prensa Comunitaria reported on the first statement hearing for 21 residents of Chicoyogüito arrested on June 9 when they were preparing to participate in a demonstration to demand the return of their lands dispossessed by the army in 1968.

Prensa Comunitaria notes: “Journalists and communicators who were going to document the hearing of the first statement of the 21 residents could not enter the court.”

“The hearing of the first statement of 21 residents of the Chicoyogüito community accused of aggravated usurpation began around 9 a.m.”

“The protesters said they did not intend to carry out an invasion, but to demand the return of their lands, dispossessed by the army in 1968, to build military zone number 21, which was a center for illegal detention, torture and extrajudicial executions.”

That article adds: “Outside the courthouse, dozens of residents of the community expressed their solidarity with the detainees, calling for their release. ‘We are not invaders’ and ‘Political Prisoners’ can be read on the blankets they carried.”

The Centre for Legal Action of Human Rights (CALDH) has also stated that when the defenders were arrested on June 9 the police used excessive force, injuring some of the demonstrators and violating the right to freedom of demonstration. CALDH further notes that those arrested were taken to the Cobán Penal Center without being treated for their injuries.

Canada at Creompaz

In Creompaz: Guatemala’s ‘Little School of the Americas’, Canadian journalist Dawn Paley writes: “Evidence uncovered by forensic anthropologists shows that people disappeared from various regions were later brought to the military base at Coban by soldiers for interrogation and torture, followed by extrajudicial execution and secret burial.”

She further notes: “Regardless of the mass graves at the base, military and police training continues there, supported by countries like the US and Canada.” The support from Canada has included a CAD$250,000 grant in 2009 and the purchase of specialized equipment in 2014 for a training program at Creompaz.

PBI accompaniment in Chicoyogüito

PBI-Guatemala accompanies the Chicoyogüito Neighborhood Association of Alta Verapaz (AVECHAV) which represents the 250 families displaced by the construction of the base on their lands. The survivors and relatives of the displaced families continue to ask that their lands be returned to them and that their dispossession by the military comes to an end.

#JusticiaParaChicoyogüito

PBI-Mexico allied Consorcio Oaxaca discusses femicide and violence against women with Canadian Ambassador to Mexico

On June 17, the Canadian Embassy in Mexico tweeted: “Respecting and protecting human rights is a priority for the Government of Canada.”

It adds: “With @consorciooaxaca we recognize the importance of preventing and identifying patterns of violence against women.”

Soledad Jarquín then tweeted: “Many thanks to the @EmbCanMexico and in particular to Ambassador Graeme C. Clark for listening during his visit to #Oaxaca and for the specific follow-up they have given to the case of #JusticiaParaSol.”

Soledad is a journalist searching for justice after the femicide of her 27-year-old daughter María del Sol Cruz Jarquín on June 2, 2018.

Consorcio Oaxaca

The Peace Brigades International-Mexico Project website highlights: “Consorcio Oaxaca was founded in 2003, with the objective of promoting a state-level legislative framework that supports women’s rights. From the beginning, the organization has focused on gender-based violence and women’s rights.”

That article adds: “Consorcio Oaxaca has made a notable contribution in documenting and accompanying cases of gender-based violence in Oaxaca.” Approximately 10 women are murdered each day in Mexico.

Violence against Indigenous women

María worked as the Head of the Department of Intercultural Indigenous Communication in the Directorate of Cultural Strengthening and Interculturality of the Subsecretariat of Indigenous Development, part of the Secretariat of Indigenous Affairs.

The Harvard International Review has noted: “The many levels of oppression that Indigenous women face [in Mexico], especially due to their gender and socioeconomic class, make them more likely to be the victims of violent crimes, such as femicide.”

Consorcio Oaxaca has reported: “Of the 11 municipalities with an alert considered the most violent for women, 7 have the highest number of victims [and] these localities are also classified as indigenous municipalities or municipalities with an indigenous presence.”

In Canada, 160 women were killed in 2020. Thirty of those women were Indigenous. While Indigenous women comprised 23 per cent of the femicides in Canada, they make up about 4 per cent of the female population in this country.

Furthermore, more than six in 10 Indigenous women in Canada have suffered from physical or sexual assault at some point during their lifetime.

The National Inquiry into Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women and Girls determined that “state actions and inactions rooted in colonialism and colonial ideologies” are in part responsible for the thousands of Indigenous women and girls who have been murdered or gone missing in Canada which the report names as genocide.

PBI-Mexico has accompanied Consorcio Oaxaca since March 2016. That accompaniment transitioned to a strategic alliance this year.

The poster that can be seen in the second photo with the Ambassador and Soledad is of María. Consorcio Oaxaca received a threatening note on June 15, 2020 following the organization’s demand for justice for Maria.

Emilie DeWolf works on Comprehensive Protection for Women Defenders (safety and self-care) at Consorcio Oaxaca. Image from PBI 2020 annual review. 

PBI-Canada sees hope and works to make a difference

Solidarity.

We see hope in international solidarity.

Last year, 173 volunteers from 18 countries contributed to PBI’s work around the world. People looked beyond borders to contribute to the very practical, tangible expression of solidarity: the physical accompaniment of at-risk defenders.

Resistance.

There is hope when people come together to resist injustice.

PBI is there when people seek justice, whether that’s at a blockade to a mine site, a march for rights, humanitarian spaces forging a new reality, assemblies discussing a way forward, or in courtrooms seeking an end to impunity.

Last year alone, PBI carried out 505 physical accompaniments with 54 organizations comprising 1,803 individuals in five countries.

Vision.

There is hope when we propose the better world that is possible.

PBI is based on consensus decision-making, a non-hierarchal and decentralized framework of autonomous entities and a commitment to non-interference in the organizational processes of the groups we accompany. We work to create the space to enable activists to put forward their vision of social justice.

That vision includes Indigenous rights to ancestral territory, the right to free, prior and informed consent, economic justice, an end to all forms of structural violence, the fulfilment of the right to water, and gender and racial equality.

To help support the work of PBI-Canada, click here.

To read PBI’s 2020 Annual Review, click here.