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PBI-Guatemala accompanied the historic 410-day Lunafil workers strike in 1987-88

Peace Brigades International activist Karen Ridd tells the story of when PBI-Guatemala accompanied workers with the Lunafil Thread Factory Workers Union at a picket line shelter 24 hours a day for almost 410 days in 1987 and 1988:

A 7-day workweek with no overtime pay

On 9 June 1987 workers of the Sindicato de Trabajadores de Lunafil (Lunafil Thread Factory Workers Union, or SITRALU) were given unwelcome news by management.

The Lunafil factory was located on the main highway in Amatitlan, just 15 miles from Guatemala City (capital of Guatemala).

In that factory workers spun cotton grown on Guatemalan plantations into thread. The thread was then shipped to other factories for Guatemalan workers to use in sewing garments for export, the so-called maquiladoras.

Following an upgrade of machinery, management demanded that workers work regular additional twelve-hour shifts on Saturdays and Sundays, with no overtime pay.

The strike begins with risk of violence against the workers

Unwilling to go from a 5-day to a 7-day work week, union members decided to go on strike. 91 workers occupied the grounds within the chain-link enclosed factory compound.

The workers believed they were making a courageous move. Recently the work force in a Guatemalan Coca-Cola factory had gone on a prolonged strike, in 1985-86. Eleven striking union members were murdered by government-backed forces called ‘death squads.’

On 21 June, in the first week of the Lunafil campaign, two union leaders were arrested while handing out leaflets and imprisoned. Pressure from local and international unions obtained their release.

Management ultimatum

On 7 July factory manager Leonel Barrios gave the workers an ultimatum. The gates to the factory were being locked. Armed guards from the Ebano Security company would be stationed inside the compound. The workers could leave whenever they wished, but once all the workers had left the compound, the factory would re-open with new workers who would be required to work seven days a week.

Most of the workers remained. Management and guards engaged in threats and intimidation. Several members of the union leadership went outside to organize, while other leaders remained with the workers inside the grounds.

Shelters built to sustain the strike action

Over the next days, the striking workers adapted to their difficult situation: they constructed temporary shelter, and when the owners cut off the supply of water, arranged for water and food to be brought to the factory and handed over the fence.

The strikers established a small cooking area and cooked enough food for the union members on the outside as well. Family members could only visit them and communicate through the fence, as if the strikers were imprisoned. The workers cooked for their families as well.

PBI accompaniment

To ensure a continued presence outside the compound, the workers built a small, black, plastic-and-wood shelter on the sidewalk. Each night union leaders on the outside would take turns sleeping in the shelter, accompanied by members of Peace Brigades International.

Peace Brigades International (PBI) had begun operating in Guatemala in 1983. PBI is an international nongovernmental organization committed to providing a nonviolent presence in places where local nonviolent activists are threatened and where internationals might serve to deter violence.

On the invitation of leaders of SITRALU, PBI provided protective accompaniment to the workers at the Lunafil factory 24 hours per day until the strike ended in July 1988.

Labour movement solidarity

Other international allies gave support: the American Federation of Labor/Congress of Labor Organizations (AFL-CIO) and individual U.S. unions, plus unions from Germany, Spain, France and Belgium.

The strike lengthens into months

As the strike lengthened into months, the number of occupiers dwindled. By November 1987 only 39 were left, but these 39 then remained locked into their factory compound, until the end of the 13-month (410 day) strike.

The lengthy strike caused significant stress on families, including, in some cases, the loss of homes. Gender roles were altered: in families where the men had been the breadwinners, women now had to work outside the home.

Needing childcare, they would pass the younger children over the fence each morning to their husbands on the ‘inside’, who cared for them during the day. Fathers cooked meals that they passed through the fence to their families in the evening.

To pass the time, and to earn some money, some of the striking men spun cotton stored in the factory into string on a spinning wheel they had made from an overturned bicycle. The men (all of the striking workers were male) then knotted the string into bags that were sold to raise much-needed money.

Shots fired, sleeping structure demolished

Workers continually faced the threat of violence. Overseen by heavily armed guards, the workers also lived with the memories of the previous Coca-Cola workers’ deaths. Some of the Coca-Cola workers had been tortured to death.

On several occasions, shots were fired into the compound from vehicles passing on the highway. In May 1988 the makeshift sleeping structure outside the fence was attacked and demolished. Leaders received death threats.

Blockades tried to keep the cotton in the factory

On at least three occasions, semi-trailers arrived at the gates with the intention of entering the factory and taking out the remaining cotton still in storage. Responding rapidly to the situation, union leaders on the outside contacted local media and contacted family members who lived nearby.

Women and children sat on the road outside the fence, blocking the trucks, while the strikers sat inside the chain link gate. On at least two occasions, the combined pressure of the people seated in front of the vehicles, the presence of media, and the presence of international observers, served to deter the truckers from entering the compound.

On a third occasion, however, management arranged for police to be present, and with their intimidation the cotton was removed.

Strike ends with a significant, but partial, win

After more than a year of occupation an accord was reached. Management agreed to reinstate the 24 union workers still occupying the plant and respect their contract.

However, when the plant reopened, additional workers were hired under different conditions, including membership in the Solidarista association rather than the union.

These new workers were given a wage increase along with other benefits such as a cafeteria and a consumer cooperative that sold electrical appliances and other goods.

Closed circuit TV cameras keep a close eye on worker interactions on the factory floor. New workers that attend union functions have reportedly been fired; the union has not signed up any new members in the two years since the factory reopened.

Nevertheless, the union workers retained their union and succeeded in their refusal to work a seven-day week without overtime pay.

Note: The strike itself was settled with an agreement signed on July 20, 1988. It was not, however, until October 3 that the returning strikers went back to work. In the period between July 20 and October 3, the union still had to pressure management to completely fulfill the agreement they had signed.

The story of the Lunafil strike action is also told in detail by Peter Hogness at One More Hole in the Wall: The Lunafil Strikers in Guatemala.

PBI-Mexico accompanies Contingency Plan working table discussions

On September 9, the Peace Brigades International-Mexico Project posted on Facebook about its presence at the Contingency Plan working tables.

PBI-Mexico notes on its website, “In July 2019, PBI accompanied the seventh revision of the Contingency Plan’s working tables, which is a preventive strategy.”

“The report ‘Turning the Tide on Impunity’, published by WOLA and PBI, values this public policy as an advance of the Federal Protection Mechanism for Human Rights Defenders and Journalists.”

“Representatives from the embassies of Switzerland, Canada, Australia and the United Kingdom were observers at these tables.”

PBI-Mexico has previously explained, “[The Contingency Plan of Chihuahua] was created from the Early Warning System [that 26 civil society organizations petitioned for in March 2016] for the protection of human rights defenders and journalists in Chihuahua.”

And it noted, “The plan has 5 main themes: journalists and freedom of expression; vulnerable populations; the environment; the Tarahumara Sierra; and cross-cutting strategies like justice, transparency of information and the legal context.”

The ‘Turning the Tide on Impunity’ report notes, “[Mexico’s Mechanism to Protect Human Rights Defenders and Journalists] has begun to address prevention through the development of ‘early warnings’ and ‘contingency plans’, a system aimed at preventing future attacks against journalists and human rights defenders.”

It also pointed to the challenge that, “Despite the commitments made under the plan, Chihuahua authorities have not yet launched campaigns to raise awareness of the underlying factors contributing to violence against this population, such as the overexploitation of water, organized crime, and lack of government presence in the Sierra Tarahumara.”

The Peace Brigades International-Mexico Project’s team based in Chihuahua has been observing the Contingency Plan process since May 2017.

A PBI-Mexico interview with Isela González, director of Alianza Sierra Madre (ASMAC), about “the issues presented to the embassies in Mexico City and her assessment of the diplomatic presence at the working tables in Northern Mexico” can be read here.

The WOLA/PBI report ‘Turning the Tide on Impunity’ can be read here.

Court ruling expected this week on fracking in Colombia’s Middle Magdalena Valley

A high court ruling on fracking in Colombia is expected this week.

On September 8, the Colombian newspaper Semana reported, “In the next few days, the decision of the State Council on precautionary measures that suspended this controversial technique of extracting oil and gas will come out.”

BNamericas has reported, “Last November, the state council – Colombia’s highest administrative tribunal – suspended all administrative acts related to fracking, arguing that the country lacked the necessary regulatory framework.”

The Latin American Post further specifies, “On Friday, November 9, the high court reported on the decision to temporarily suspend the Decree 3004 of December 26, 2013, and the Resolution 90341 of March 27, 2014. With these, the National Government established the criteria for exploration and exploitation of hydrocarbons in unconventional deposits.”

If the State Council rules in favour of fracking, then several pilot projects are expected to proceed in north-central Colombia.

Industry Trend explains, “A commission of experts recommended to the government at the beginning of the year to implement pilot projects in unconventional deposits with fracking under strict environmental monitoring, before deciding whether the controversial technique can be widely used.”

The Oil and Gas Year has reported, “Ecopetrol’s first pilot projects will be located in the country’s Middle Magdalena Valley.” That article quotes Ecopetrol CEO Felipe Bayón Pardo who says that will include “roughly 20 wells”.

Colombians are concerned about fracking. A poll taken in February found that more than 90% of Colombians are opposed to fracking in their country.

The Semana article also notes that the Colombian Alliance Against Fracking hopes “the State Council will not lift the precautionary measure and consider the threatened rights of the communities.”

This November, representatives from two Colombian human rights groups that are accompanied by the Peace Brigades International-Colombia Project will be speaking in Canada to highlight their concerns about fracking and climate change.

More details on this speaking tour by CCALCP and CREDHOS coming soon!

CCALCP calls for the implementation of T-361 and protection of the Santurbán páramo

The Colombian Ministry of Environment has stated that the new delimitation of Santurbán páramo (wetland) will be announced by December 18 of this year.

The question being asked is, Will the Colombian government protect the wetland or favour transnational mining interests?

In short, the wetland is at risk from the proposed Soto Norte gold mine backed by Minesa, a transnational corporation based in the United Arab Emirates.

The Peace Brigades International-Colombia Project has commented, “The moor is an important natural resource for Colombia and the source of drinking water for many municipalities in the department of Santander and North Santander.”

The wetland provides drinking water for 2 million people in Colombia.

In July 2019, civic leader Erwing Rodríguez-Salah wrote in Razón Publica, “The delimitation of the Santurbán páramo made by the Santos government in 2014 was the result of interest in facilitating mining activities, and not in protecting the water that the region needs for its life and development.”

He highlights that Resolution 2090 of 2014 “delimited Santurbán with the purpose of legalizing mining companies in the area.”

“Therefore, under the leadership of the Luis Carlos Pérez Lawyers Collective, in July 2015 we filed a guardianship action against the Ministry of Environment. The guardianship was ruled by the Constitutional Court in judgment T-361 of 2017. There, the Court considered that Resolution 2090 violated our right to environmental participation and demanded from the Government a new delimitation of the Santurbán páramo.”

At the time of the ruling in February 2016, CCALCP lawyer Julia Adriana Figueroa Cortés told El Espectador that T-361 “becomes a precedent in favour of the claims set forth in the guardianship and strengthens the interventions that will be made before the Constitutional Court in our purpose that will generate legal, constitutional and material protection of our Páramo de Santurbán.”

In February 2019, Vanguardia reported that the Ministry of Environment is “holding meetings with communities about the new delimitation of the páramo.”

On May 26, PBI-Colombia tweeted that it had accompanied CCALCP at the consultation in Bucaramanga on the new delimitation of the Santurban wetland and that the Minister of Environment was present at that consultation.

At that consultation, CCALCP member Andrea Nocove stated, “We want the conservation and preservation of water for future generations.”

And the Comité Santurbán tweeted, “We will not fall into the delusion of delimiting Santurbán to make way for mega-mining in our high mountain Santandereana.”

Rodríguez-Salah concludes, “This will be the most important year in the history of the Santurbán wetland. It is likely that, at the end of the year, we will know if our attempt to protect the water of future generations and to guarantee future regional competitiveness paid off.”

The 317-page judgement can be read at Sentencia T-361/17.

CCALCP lawyers Julia Figueroa and Andrea Nocove will be in Canada this coming November to talk about this ruling, as well as about fracking, climate change and the historic T-880 court ruling on the right to free, prior and informed consent.

George Lakey’s time as a Peace Brigades International volunteer in Sri Lanka

George Lakey is a well-known Quaker peace activist, sociologist and writer.

The Guardian notes that among his many actions, “He helped sail a ship to Vietnam filled with supplies for peace activists during the Vietnam war, led workshops sponsored by the African National Congress to keep the peace in South Africa’s first multi-racial election in 1994, acted as an unarmed bodyguard for human rights defenders in Sri Lanka and has campaigned for same-sex marriage and LGBTQ rights.”

That time in Sri Lanka as an “unarmed bodyguard” was with Peace Brigades International, which had a team there from 1989 to 1998.

PBI volunteer Melissa Butcher has noted, “In Sri Lanka, the Bar Association asked PBI to send a team after a series of kidnappings and murders of civil rights lawyers.”

“In three months of state of emergency in Sri Lanka in 1989, as many as 4000 people were believed to have been killed or are still missing.”

“Lawyers who represent detained and disappeared persons become targets themselves. By October 1989 six had been murdered.”

“When PBI arrived, few lawyers were taking cases on behalf of people thought abducted, and some had left the country. With the protection of PBI volunteers in November 1989, the office of a leading civil rights lawyer was reopened.”

Pat Coy, a PBI volunteer in Sri Lanka, has also explained, “When Peace Brigades went to Sri Lanka in 1989, they went there to protect the lawyers who were the last bastion of protection against the state.”

In February 2019, Lakey reflected, “In 1989 – I joined the first Peace Brigades International, or PBI, team in Sri Lanka.”

“Our job was to act as unarmed bodyguards for lawyers who were threatened with assassination because they were standing up for activists’ human rights.”

“Each of us followed the directions of whichever lawyer we were assigned to. In one case I was told to live with the lawyer’s family and answer the doorbell at night after curfew, on the chance it was the hit squad there to kill the lawyer.”

“Whatever delaying tactics I used, enhanced by my American white skin privilege, might give him the margin of safety he needed. He readily agreed to PBI’s policy that he needed to lock up his gun, believing that nonviolent intervention gave him a better chance than a shoot-out.”

“After I moved into his house, he took me on a ‘social call’ to drink tea with the family of a colleague. On the way home he told me that the colleague was acquainted with the controller of the hit squad. ‘By tonight’, he said, ‘the controller will know all about PBI and possible repercussions if he kills me. He’ll think twice about dispatching the next hit squad.’”

And in 2006, Lakey commented, “Every day we risked our lives as we accompanied human-rights activists who were targeted for assassination by hit squads. We were unarmed bodyguards whose presence raised the threshold for attack. The fact that we were internationals gave some protection.”

“I’m not a particularly brave person, and I doubt I would have gone to Sri Lanka if this kind of work had not already been tested in violent El Salvador and Guatemala, where Peace Brigades International (PBI) assisted local democracy advocates. There were some close calls, but no team members were killed.”

And while still in Sri Lanka in August 1991, Lakey observed, “Each leader who stays alive and working is also valuable symbolically in the larger struggle between hope and despair. Keeping the hope alive is a condition of eventual peace.”

Now 81 years old, Lakey remains committed to hope, peace and justice.

In May 2012 (at 74 years of age) he walked 320 kilometres across Pennsylvania as part of an Earth Quaker Action Team that stopped the PNC bank financing coal companies that practice mountaintop-removal; in March 2018 he was arrested in the Power Local Green Jobs campaign demanding that the regional energy utility start a community solar program for low-income neighborhoods; and in December 2018 his new book How We Win: A Guide to Nonviolent Direct Action Campaigning was released.

PBI-Honduras attends presentation of report on murder of Berta Cáceres

On September 7, the Peace Brigades International-Honduras Project posted in Spanish, “Last Wednesday [September 4] we attended the presentation of the report ‘Violence, corruption and impunity in the Honduran energy industry: A profile of David Castillo’, prepared by international organizations for the defence of human rights based in the United States and Brussels.”

The PBI-Honduras Facebook post adds, “The dossier reveals information about the connection with criminal activities of the former executive president of DESA and the only alleged intellectual author accused of the murder of the indigenous leader Lenca Berta Cáceres of Copinh Intibucá.”

The 45-page report can be read (in English) here. It was produced by the Due Process of Law Foundation, the Human Rights Commission of Guatemala, the International Platform against Impunity, Robert F Kennedy Human Rights, and School of the Americas Watch.

A key finding of the report is that, “Evidence presented to Honduran courts by prosecutors suggests that Castillo participated in the murder of Berta Cáceres as an intellectual author, allegedly coordinating with, and presumably providing funds to, the material authors for the purpose of carrying out the murder. Castillo has been indicted for the murder and the case remains in the initial phase of prosecution; no other intellectual authors of the crime have been arrested.”

COPINH’s commentary on the report and their five demands can be read here.

The Guardian has reported, “In November 2018, seven men were convicted of carrying out the murder, which the court in Tegucigalpa ruled was ordered by executives of the Agua Zarca dam company Desa because of delays and financial losses linked to protests led by Cáceres.”

Telesur notes, “Among [the seven convicted] were two DESA employees — Sergio Rodriguez Orellana, community and environmental affairs manager at DESA and Douglas Geovanny Bustillo, a retired general hired by DESA as security director.”

On May 29, 2019, the International Federation for Human Rights posted, “Members of the Mission that observed the trial express their concern that the Tribunal has yet to deliver in writing the guilty sentence it announced six months ago, leading to legal uncertainty in the case.”

Furthermore, Vice has reported, “DESA owns the concession for 50 years, [Berta Cáceres’ daughter Bertha] Zúniga says, meaning the company has the exclusive right to work the land until 2059. ‘They have not given up and apparently have no intention of abandoning the project altogether.’”

The Guardian has also commented, “The 2009 coup … ushered in a pro-business government who sanctioned scores of renewable energy projects, mines, and biofuel plantations, in rural communities without consultation [including on Lenca territories].”

PBI-Honduras began providing accompaniment to COPINH in May 2016, just months after Cáceres was murdered.

Thirty year anniversary of the grenade and knife attacks against PBI-Guatemala

The Peace Brigades International-Guatemala Project was established around March 1983, less than two years after the founding of PBI in September 1981.

This was during a time of intense political violence in Guatemala.

Patrick Daniels, co-chair of the Guatemala Solidarity Network, has written in The Guardian, “At the height of the bloodshed under Ríos Montt [1982-1983], reports put the number of killings and disappearances at more than 3,000 per month. Such was the extent of the violence that in 1999 the UN commission concluded that it constituted acts of genocide.”

Roger Powers notes in Protest, Power, and Change: An Encyclopedia of Nonviolent Action from ACT-UP to Women’s Suffrage that, “PBI’s Guatemala team provided especially significant levels of accompaniment over many years to Grupo de Apoyo Mutuo (GAM) (Mutual Support Group for Families of the Disappeared and the Detained), and to Consejo de Comunidades Etnicas ‘Runujel Junam’ (CERJ) (Council of Ethnic Communities ‘Everyone Equal’), an organization of Mayan farmers who resist forced service in the military’s civil patrols.”

And Liam Mahony and Luis Enrique Eguren write in Unarmed Bodyguards: International Accompaniment for the Protection of Human Rights, “International accompaniment was vital to the popular movements and a major hindrance to the extreme Right. It was only a matter of time before attempts were made to remove this hindrance.”

Then, as Anne Manuel writes in Messengers of Death: Human Rights in Guatemala, November 1988-February 1990, in January 1989 the army held a media conference in which they presented “guerilla deserter” Miguel Angel Reyes Melgar who alleged that several international human rights organizations were connected with the guerillas, including PBI.

Mahony and Eguren specify, “Reyes named a former PBI member as a guerilla member and accused PBI of relaying messages between guerilla contacts in Guatemala and Europe.”

“Reyes could prove none of his assertions. Public-relations officer Colonel Isaacs later admitted to Americas Watch that the army had no corroborating evidence.”

Despite this, “[The accusations legitimized by the government] expanded the political space for right-wing attacks against the named targets – the GAM, CERJ, and PBI.”

Grenade attack

Manuel writes in her book that on August 15, 1989, just after 7 pm, two grenades were thrown at the PBI house in Guatemala City.

Manuel notes, “The grenades were thrown over the front [garden] wall, one landing outside the living room window and another in front of the kitchen windows.”

“The explosions shattered windows at the house, but did not injure residents, who were eating in the dining room at the time of the attack.”

PBI volunteer María Gabriela Serra recounts, “We were about to have dinner, we had already gathered around the table and, as usual, we shook hands for our daily minute of silence, as a way to thank everything we had during the day, feel the energy of the whole team, the will to continue being a peace brigade… Then the noise rang, all the glass on the facade of the house broke and we saw the broken pieces scattering everywhere, then the terrifying silence … we were all well, nobody was damaged, a miracle…”

Mahony and Eguren add, “The explosions jolted the house, filling the air with smoke and glass. Everyone instinctively jumped under the dinner table. The force of the blast shattered most of the windows in the house, but luckily, the table was protected from the flying glass by a dividing wall. No one was injured.”

Manuel also notes, “The device, which landed near the kitchen, barely missed hitting two one-hundred pound tanks storing cooking gas just outside the window.”

“[National Police] agents told PBI that the entire block would have been blown up had the grenade hit the cooking gas tanks. A demolitions expert from the police told PBI the explosives were U.S.-manufactured grenades.”

A Defense Intelligence Agency secret cable (Document 33) notes that U.S. military intelligence sources indicate that the Guatemalan army’s Directorate of Intelligence (D-2) Special Operations Section was responsible for the attack on the PBI house. But it is not known if it was the army, other state security services, or right-wing paramilitary forces.

Knife attack

Manuel also writes, “Shortly after 7:00 p.m. on December 20, 1989, three PBI volunteers were assaulted and stabbed by two young men as they were walking to the PBI house [just two blocks away] on Mariscal Street, in Zone 11 of the capital.”

“Meredith Larson, a [23-year-old] U.S. citizen, was stabbed in the chest and arm and was hospitalized for one night in Guatemala. (Larson subsequently returned to the United States for treatment for nerve damage to her left forearm.)”

“When Canadian citizen Mitchell Goldberg tried to intervene, the assailant slashed his hands and forearm. The second attacker chased Canadian citizen Rusa Jeremic stabbing her in the arm and chest.”

“At no time did the assailants attempt to rob the victims, even though one of the women [Larson] dropped her purse on the road.”

Mahony and Eguren add, “The week after the attack, PBI published an ad defending its work in every major Guatemalan newspaper.” The ad was signed by many people including Members of Parliament in Canada.

“The PBI team in Guatemala moved into a more secure house in April 1990 [and with the high profile attention garnered from the incidents] the violent attacks against PBI stopped.”

Conclusion

While the presumed motivation behind both of these attacks was to drive PBI out of Guatemala, PBI did not leave.

PBI volunteer María Gabriela Serra, who was in the PBI house at the time of the August 15, 1989 grenade attack, comments, “The following days we talked a lot, we were afraid, sometimes a lot of fear, but in our hearts there was a conviction that this ‘warning’ was a sign that our work was worth it.”

Mahony and Eguren note, “Guatemalans made jokes about ‘who is protecting whom?’ but they respected PBI’s steadfastness and kept asking for PBI accompaniment.”

“If the bombing and knifing temporarily reduced the sense of protection that PBI’s accompaniment offered, this was more than countered by the long-term increase in confidence in the organization [from Guatemalan human rights defenders].”

And they conclude, “The attacks against PBI may have been symptomatic of an overall increase in violence and the closing of space for popular action. Within this changing context, everything was more dangerous, but accompaniment could still offer some protection to a threatened activist who chose to continue organizing.”

PBI continues to be present in Guatemala.

As highlighted in the 2018 Annual Report, “Ten international volunteers accompanied members of 11 organisations and three HRDs working on environmental and land rights, impunity and globalisation, and women’s and gender rights. Volunteers are based in Guatemala City from where they travel to other regions of the country.”

Photo of Prensa Libre, August 17, 1989.

Peace Brigades International co-founder Hans Sinn on disarmament and the social good

On September 4, 1981, Hans Sinn co-founded the global human rights organization Peace Brigades International.

Sinn was born in Hamburg, Germany and his early lifetime experiences, including being draft in the final months of World War II as a 16-year-old child soldier, were formative in him becoming a life-long peace activist.

Now, at 90 years of age, Sinn is focused on the issue of transarmament: the disarmament of Germany and the reallocation of that spending to the social good, including a civilian peace service, a global childcare program, and support services for child soldiers.

Sinn worked on this issue in the 1980s with Gert Bastian, a former NATO general who became a peace activist, and Petra Kelly, a founder of the German Green Party.

They had hoped that a reunified Germany would also be a disarmed Germany. That didn’t come to fruition in 1990 when East and West Germany were reunited. Then Bastian and Kelly died under tragic circumstances in 1992.

Almost thirty years later, Sinn still holds the dream of German disarmament.

Sinn points out that the Bundeswehr, the armed forces of Germany, has a massive budget.

In May 2019, The Telegraph reported, “[German Chancellor Angela] Merkel’s government announced a defence budget of €47.32bn for this year, an increase of ten per cent compared to 2018. It also promised a further increase to €49.67bn next year.”

€49.67bn is about $72.49 billion in Canadian dollars.

Sinn also points to this February 2018 interview with Erich Vad, a former General of the Bundeswehr, who says, “The military, however, is seen more as a necessary evil. What is the great narrative of the Bundeswehr, what are the armed forces for?”

There are reports of equipment shortages, that only four of the country’s 128 Eurofighters are said to be operational, that all six of its submarines are out of commission, and a warning that the country can’t meet its NATO commitments.

As such Vad concludes, “Armed forces are not worth the money if they are not ready for action. And before we keep an unintentional, regularly taunted and out-of-the-box troop alive at 37 billion euros, we’d better abolish it.”

Sinn also highlights that Noam Chomsky’s view that, “There are two huge dangers the human species faces. We’re now in a situation where we now have to decide if the species survives in any decent form.”

Chomsky identifies those two dangers as climate change and nuclear weapons/militarism, which are understood as interrelated.

In December 2015, The Guardian reported, “The Iraq war was responsible for 141m tonnes of carbon releases in its first four years, according to an Oil Change International report. On an annual basis, this was more than the emissions from 139 countries in this period, or about the same as putting an extra 25m cars on to US roads for a year.”

That article then highlights, “The paper found that projected US spending on the Iraq war could cover all global investments in renewable energy needed to halt global warming trends in the period to 2030.”

And as the Transnational Institute has stated, “The responsibility of the military for the climate crisis goes much further than their own use of fossil fuels.”

It notes, “Today whether it is in the Middle East, the Gulf, or the Pacific, modern-day military deployment is about controlling oil-rich regions and defending the key shipping supply routes that carry half the world’s oil and sustain our consumer economy.”

TNI concludes, “The military is not just a prolific user of oil, it is one of the central pillars of the global fossil-fuel economy.”

Sinn remains committed to a different path for humanity.

A path he hopes could start with the disarmament of Germany and the reallocation of its anticipated $72.49 billion annual budget on the social good. He notes that the steps to do this are outlined in Bastian’s 1983 book Frieden schaffen! : Gedanken zur Sicherheitspolitik (Make peace! Thoughts on security policy).

Almost 40 years after the forward-looking Sinn co-founded Peace Brigades International on Grindstone Island just south of Ottawa, he sees the history of PBI as deeply rooted in the peace movement and is charting a new path guided by his life experiences. A path that is both compelling and increasingly necessary.

Peace Brigades accompanies at-risk lawyers and criminalized human rights defenders

Sue Willman, a partner at Deighton Pierce Glynn and a member of the Colombia Caravana UK Lawyers Group, recounts in this article her experience this past May when she was in Medellín, Colombia to observe the start of a high-profile trial.

The defendant is Santiago Uribe Vélez, the brother of former Colombian President Álvaro Uribe Vélez, who stands accused of being the founder of a paramilitary death squad suspected to be responsible for as many as 500 murders.

Willman notes in her article that Daniel Prado, the lawyer for many of the alleged murder victims, “depends on accompaniment by Peace Brigades International volunteer field observers, to monitor his safety when travelling to attend the trial.”

On PBI accompaniment, Prado has previously commented, “You know that if someone makes an attempt on your life or harasses you, the international accompaniment is there. It generates personal, psychological and physical security.”

Willman highlights, “In Colombia, being a lawyer is a high-risk occupation.”

In April 2009, the Law Society Gazette (UK) reported, “More than 400 Colombian lawyers have been murdered since 1991 but no one has been prosecuted for a single killing, a devastating report from 42 British lawyers who visited Colombia last year has revealed.”

Willman adds that most recently, “In May 2019 a government lawyer, Paula Rosero Ordóñez, 47, was shot dead at close range.”

Justice for Colombia further explains, “Paula had been given protection measures in 2016 after receiving threats over her work in defence of human rights and targeting corruption in Samaniego. She was employed by the civil government in Nariño and provided representation to communities in the region.”

This November, PBI-Canada will be hosting two representatives from CCALCP, the Luis Carlos Pérez Lawyer’s Collective, on a cross-country speaking tour.

That lawyers’ collective provides legal assistance to those who have suffered from human rights violations and breaches of international humanitarian law. During the speaking tour they will be highlighting issues relating to fracking, water protection and climate change.

PBI-Colombia has noted, “Between 2005 and 2016, CCALCP’s members were the victims of 43 threats and security incidents, including physical attacks, death threats, public smears, harassment, unlawful interception of their communications, and information theft. According to Julia Figueroa, the systematic attacks against CCALCP’s members have been in manners that specifically relate to them being women.”

Since 2017, collective measures for the protection of CCALP members has included a car and bodyguard, but its members nonetheless report that these measures are not enough to guarantee their safety. PBI works to deepen their security.

Figueroa, a CCALCP lawyer who will be visiting Canada this November, has stated, “PBI means having one more political ally… With their awareness raising, communications, political advocacy … that is an armour in terms of effective security…”

In her article, Willman also writes, “The first goal of trial observation is ‘to make known to the court, the parties to the proceedings, the authorities of the country and to the general public the interest in, and concern for, the fairness of the trial in question in order to encourage the court or judge to provide a fair trial’, as explained by the helpful Trial Observation Manual for Criminal Proceedings produced by the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ).”

Along with accompanying at-risk lawyers, Peace Brigades International has also accompanied criminalized human rights defenders at court hearings this year, as noted in: PBI-Honduras at court hearing for Guapinol water defenders; PBI-Guatemala accompanies Indigenous CCDA Verapaz land defenders at court hearings; PBI-Guatemala accompanies Indigenous land defender Justino Xollim at court hearing; and PBI-Honduras accompanies the Broad Movement (Movimiento Amplio) to a court hearing.

Willman concludes her article, “International trial observation is a vital tool in Colombia and other states where the rule of law is fragile and our presence might just make a difference.” Peace Brigades International also seeks to help make that difference.

Willman’s full article titled ‘International trial observation’ can be read here.

Photo: Daniel Prado and Coraline Ricard.

CREDHOS President Iván Madero to visit Canada in November

 

Peace Brigades International-Canada is looking forward to hosting CREDHOS President Iván Madero when he visits this country in early-November for a series of meetings and public forums focused on fracking, climate change, water protection and the increasingly fragile peace process in Colombia.

The Peace Brigades International-Colombia Project has accompanied CREDHOS (the Regional Corporation for the Defence of Human Rights) since 1994.

That’s the year after Iván Madero joined the CREDHOS Board of Directors.

He was already an experienced political activist at that point.

Ivan says, “In 1988, I was detained by the army in a demonstration. I was detained for various days. I was assaulted, tortured. There was a high chance that they would assassinate me. In this moment, there was a searching committee. They saved my life.”

He would have also known that joining CREDHOS would be dangerous.

Seven CREDHOS activists were killed between 1991 and 1992 as a result of the investigation by CREDHOS into the murder of Leonardo Posada Pedraza in August 1986.

In September 1986, the Washington Post reported, “The Union Patriotica [the political party formed by the FARC in 1985] and human rights groups say they have no doubt that it is right-wing paramilitary death squads [that killed Posada]. [The party’s presidential candidate Jaime] Pardo Leal charged that the clandestine groups consist of middle-level military officers and retired commanders and are financed by big landowners and drug dealers.”

It was the murder of Posada that had led to the formation of CREDHOS in 1987.

That was a tumultuous and violent time.

As University of Toronto professor (and PBI-Canada Board member) Luis van Isschot notes in his book The Social Origins of Human Rights, “The murder of Leonardo Posada augured poorly for the UP in the Magdalena Medio, as it did for popular movements in general and the wider population. Hundreds of UP militants were killed or disappeared across Colombia in the first few years of the party’s existence.”

Then in December 2000 a paramilitary group entered Barrancabermeja, the petroleum capital of Colombia where CREDHOS is based.

In January 2001, The New York Times reported, “Block by block and house by house, gunmen from Colombia’s surging right-wing paramilitary army are waging a fierce urban battle against leftist rebels in this grimy northern industrial center in a conflict that is usually fought in the countryside.”

That article adds, “Human rights organizations, including United States-based Human Rights Watch, and church workers say the military has played a role by — at the very least — passively allowing paramilitary gunmen to wage war here. The military says it is vigorously pursuing paramilitaries as well as rebels.”

PBI-Colombia has noted, “Ivan and his wife, after sleeping in different places every night accompanied by PBI, decided to leave.”

He spent ten years in exile in Spain.

He returned to Colombia in 2010 and became the president of CREDHOS.

That was the year David Ravelo, a founder member of CREDHOS, was imprisoned on the basis of the testimony of demobilized paramilitaries.

Ivan has experienced several security incidents since then.

On November 22, 2013, Ivan, who was residing at the CREDHOS headquarters for security reasons, had to take shelter on the second floor of the building to evade a man who had forcibly entered the building.

Front Line Defenders has also noted that Ivan and his family received death threats on January 9, 2014 and June 23 and 25, 2015. And on July 25, 2016, Ivan received a death threat both via a call on his cellphone, a text message, and a call to the CREDHOS office phone.

Ivan has commented, “You get used to being afraid, worrying of the constant threat. It becomes part of your daily life. Because it is a threat, nothing happens. But it can happen, when you get too used to the threat.”

And he has noted, “The political deterrence that PBI creates is fundamental. Receiving the accompaniment of Peace Brigades has been important in the life of CREDHOS. It allows you to move, it allows you to continue doing this work.”

To read about recent PBI-Colombia accompaniment of CREDHOS, please see PBI-Colombia accompanies CREDHOS to look at impact of oil industry on rivers (July) and PBI-Colombia accompanies CREDHOS to find grave site (June), as well as CREDHOS opposes fracking, seeks to protect freshwater and Dr. Yésid Blanco and the struggle for environmental justice and the right to water in Colombia.