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PBI-Canada attends PBI-UK organized webinar with Kenyan human rights defenders

On June 3, Peace Brigades International-Canada attended the ‘Government and grassroots responses in Kenya’ webinar organized by PBI-United Kingdom.

To watch the 1-hour webinar, please click here.

The webinar featured as speakers: Editar Adhiambo Ochieng, the founder of Feminists for Peace, Rights and Justice Centre, and a PBI Toolkit Organizer; Naomi Barasa, a consultant in strategic campaigning, as well as a researcher and trainer; and Gacheke Gachihi, the coordinator of the Mathare Social Justice Centre.

It was chaired by Susi Bascon, the London-based Director of Peace Brigades International (PBI) UK Section since 1998.

The panel discussed their experiences of the pandemic lockdown, access to essentials, and stories of mutual aid in the urban settlements of Nairobi.

PBI established the Kenya Project in December 2012.

Our 2019 Annual Review notes: “In Kenya PBI supports a range of grassroots defenders across Nairobi’s urban settlements, raising their profile in the national and international contexts. In 2019, defenders took part in advocacy tours to Europe to discuss the challenges they face defending human rights in Kenya.”

PBI-Kenya is part of the Missing Voices network and the Police Reforms Working Group network. It also works with the Mathare Social Justice Centre and Dandora Community Justice Centre as well as other social justice centres in Nairobi.

Prior to the pandemic it was also organizing a monthly in-person mandazi meeting with toolkit organizers on gender-based violence. A mandazi is a fried snack, similar to a doughnut, only triangular and far less sweet. Mandazis are always had with tea and it’s a time to gather in solidarity and share stories, initiatives, problems and successes. During the pandemic, those monthly meetings have continued virtually.

On February 20 of this year, PBI-Kenya posted: “The delegation from the Alliance for Lawyers at Risk and PBI-UK met with International Justice Mission and joined the Women Human Rights Defender (WHRD) Toolkit Organizers for a community town hall meeting on SGBV [sexual and gender-based violence] in Mathare.”

The Feminists for Peace, Rights and Justice Centre also posted: “Thank you PBI-UK for visiting our office and learning from each other on how to strengthen our working relationship as toolkits organisers in Kenya.”

Be sure to join the next PBI-UK organized webinar – ‘Defending human rights under lockdown in Latin America’ – happening on June 10.

PBI-Canada endorses the War Is Not Essential virtual day of action on June 11

Peace Brigades International-Canada has endorsed the War Is Not Essential online day of action happening on Thursday June 11 starting at 1 pm ET.

Among the issues we are hoping to highlight through this day of action:

Arms exports from Canada are increasing

According to Global Affairs Canada, Canada’s global military exports more than doubled in 2018 ($2.069 billion) from 2017 ($1.031 billion). The most recently released report indicates: “For the 2019 calendar year, the value of Canadian exports of controlled military goods and technology amounted to a record high of approximately $3.757 billion.”

That report notes: “Saudi Arabia was the largest non-U.S. export destination, receiving approximately $2.864 billion in Canadian military exports (accounting for approximately 76% of the total value of non-U.S. military exports).”

Project Ploughshares further highlights: “For years, Canada’s arms exports to the United States have been largely exempt from federal reporting protocols. Such exemptions persist despite Canada’s September 2019 accession to the Arms Trade Treaty.”

Ploughshares adds: “According to Export Controls Canada, roughly half of Canada’s annual arms sales are to its southern neighbour.”

The UN Secretary-General has called for a Global Ceasefire

PBI-Canada has previously indicated our support for the call by United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres for an immediate global ceasefire so that the world can focus on addressing the coronavirus pandemic.

We have also noted that while Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister François-Philippe Champagne stated on April 10 that Canada ‘fully supports’ the call for a global ceasefire, he had announced the day before that Canada’s temporary suspension of the approval of new arms export permits to Saudi Arabia had been lifted.

Along with the ongoing export of 742 Light Armoured Vehicles (LAVs) to Saudi Arabia, there are also 48 military-related export permits ready to be signed by the government.

When the UN Secretary-General repeated his call for a global ceasefire on May 21, he noted that 3,217 civilians were reported to have been killed or injured in Yemen in 2019, with children accounting for 25 per cent of the casualties.

Saudi Arabia has been at war with Yemen since March 2015. The UN refugee agency says that more than 40,000 people have been displaced due to the war in Yemen since the beginning of this year and Human Rights Watch says that those fleeing the conflict are particularly vulnerable to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Arms production deemed an essential service during the pandemic

Adding to these concerns, CADSI, the lobby group for the arms industry in Canada, announced on April 2 that the Canadian government had also recognized “defence and security in its definition of essential services and functions.”

There is a similar situation in the United States, including at the Lockheed Martin factory in Texas that builds F-35s for the US military and most overseas customers.

On May 18, The Intercept reported: “At Lockheed Martin’s plant in Forth Worth, Texas, workers have protested the reopening of their facility, saying they were concerned about exposing family members to the virus, and that the company wasn’t properly cleaning facilities. Other workers have said that steps being taken to mitigate risk don’t go far enough.”

The call for a Green New Deal and a just transition for workers

Just as the climate justice movement has called for a just transition for the 190,000 workers in the oil and gas industry in this country, a just transition strategy for the 60,000 workers in the “defence and security” industry is equally important.

Phyllis Bennis of the Institute for Policy Studies has written: “To fund the Green New Deal, with all of its component parts, we must transition away from the current war economy… Massive cuts to the military budget will provide funds for green jobs, public education, health care for all, green infrastructure development.”

The Canadian government has previously committed to increase spending on the military from $18.9 billion in 2016-17 to $32.7 billion in 2026-27, with total spending over a 20-year period of $553 billion on a cash basis.

A key pillar of that spending is the planned purchase of 88 fighter jets that would cost $19 billion plus up to $300 million a year to service.

Join the online day of action!

To join the War Is Not Essential online day of action to hear speakers talk about arms exports, the need for a peaceful economy, the importance of a just transition for workers and more, please click on this web-link on June 11 starting at 1 pm ET.

PBI works to create space for peace and to protect human rights. One of our methods in peace building is peace education. It is our hope that education related to arms production in Canada assists in that process of building a more peaceful society.

PBI-Guatemala accompanies BDH lawyers at hearing of former military officer indicted in crimes against humanity case

On June 2, the Peace Brigades International-Guatemala Project posted: “Yesterday we accompanied the BDH lawyers to the hearing for review of measures of the former members of the Guatemalan Army, César Augusto Ruiz Morales, accused in the CREOMPAZ case.”

Eleven former military officers have been indicted on charges of forced disappearance and crimes against humanity committed at the Military Zone 21 army base, now known as CREOMPAZ, between 1981 and 1988.

The case involves the unearthing of 84 mass graves containing 565 bodies of which approximately 150 have been identified. FGER 1420AM notes: “It is considered the largest clandestine cemetery in Latin America.”

On the hearing held on June 1, PBI-Guatemala noted: “Judge Claudette Domínguez, of the Higher Risk Court A, declared the petition without place, asking to go from preventive prison to house arrest.”

“The defense of former military man Raúl Dehesa Oliva resigned from the hearing, so his request was not heard.”

PBI-Guatemala adds: “Two other soldiers accused in the same case had previously requested the review of measures, which was rejected by the judge.” On May 12, PBI-Guatemala shared a Facebook post from Caso Creompaz indicating that the judge had rejected the request for substitute measures for those two military officers as well.

BDH is a group of lawyers who represent those whose human rights have been violated. It has been accompanied by PBI-Guatemala since 2013.

PBI-Guatemala also accompanies the Chicoyogüito Neighborhood Association (AVECHAV) which is made up of the families displaced by the construction of the base.

The survivors and relatives of the families displaced by the base in July 1968 continue to ask that their lands be returned to them and that their dispossession by the military ends. Last year, PBI-Guatemala accompanied the community at a ceremony outside CREOMPAZ to commemorate the anniversary of their eviction.

CREOMPAZ refers to the United Nations Comando Regional de Entrenamiento de Operaciones de Mantenimiento de Paz (Regional Training Command for Peacekeeping Operations).

In Creompaz: Guatemala’s ‘Little School of the Americas’, Canadian journalist Dawn Paley writes: “Regardless of the mass graves at the base, military and police training continues there, supported by countries like the US and Canada.” The support from Canada has included a CAD$250,000 grant in 2009 and the purchase of specialized equipment in 2014 for a training program at the base.

PBI-Mexico shares Excélsior article that reports “10 environmental defenders killed during pandemic”

Photo: Environmental activist Adán Vez Lira was shot to death on April 8, 2020 while he rode his motorcycle in the township of Actopan in the state of Veracruz.

On June 1, the Peace Brigades International-Mexico Project tweeted this article from Excélsior, a daily newspaper based in Mexico City, that reports:

“So far in the Covid-19 health emergency, 10 activists have been killed in [the states of] Michoacán, San Luis Potosí, Veracruz, Oaxaca, Guerrero and Sonora.”

The article includes a reference from a member of Semarnat (the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources) who stressed the importance of not imposing megaprojects without the free, prior and informed consent of communities:

“For his part, Mayolo Hernández Hernández, a member of the Office of the head of Semarnat, stressed the need not to impose projects on communities, giving way to prior and informed public consultations that also integrate communities into initiatives, not only as labor but by encouraging solidarity economy activities.”

The article also notes that in 2019 there were 810 beneficiaries of the Mechanism for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Journalists (administered under the Ministry of the Interior, SEGOB), of which 247 are environmental defenders. It also notes that this number has now grown to 1,206 people receiving protection:

“Meanwhile, Aarón Mastache Mondragón, national executive coordinator of the Mechanism for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Journalists … recognized that between 2019 and 2020 the number of activists and groups that requested security from the Mexican State grew exponentially, in states like Guerrero, Oaxaca, Chiapas and Chihuahua.”

“He specified that to date there are 810 beneficiaries of this instrument in the human rights section, of which 247 have to do particularly with the defense of the environment and land.”

“’We received it with 798 beneficiaries, but you see that there was an increase of almost 400 beneficiaries last year, and now that we are in May, we have 100 and I think we are on the same path, greatly increasing the number of beneficiaries, of which of those 1,206, we have that 810 are human rights defenders and 396 journalists’, he detailed.”

According to the Mexican Center for Environmental Law (CEMDA), 21 people were murdered for defending the environment in 2018.

Front Line Defenders has reported that 23 human rights defenders were murdered in Mexico in 2019. CEMDA notes that 15 of those were land defenders.

Other recent newspaper reports have noted that those killed in Mexico in 2020 included: environmentalist Adán Vez Lira (April 8 in Veracruz), lawyer and environmentalist Isaac Medardo Herrera Avilés (late March in Jiutepec in Morelos state), butterfly sanctuary defender Raúl Hernández (January 27 in Michoacán state), butterfly defender Homero Gómez (January 13 in Michoacán state), journalist Jorge Armenta (in May in Sonora state), journalist Victor Fernando Alvarez (April 2 near Acapulco), and journalist Maria Elena Ferral (on March 30 in Papantla, Veracruz).

Over a longer scope of time, CEMDA has also reported that at least 83 Mexican land and environment defenders were murdered between 2012 and 2019, and that hundreds more were threatened, beaten and criminalized. The CEMDA report found that almost one in three attacks since 2012 targeted defenders who were opposing energy projects, especially wind and hydroelectric power.

Mary Lawlor on her priorities as the Special Rapporteur for human rights defenders and the role of PBI

Listen to this video excerpt by clicking here.

Mary Lawlor became the new United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders on May 1.

In her first message as a Special Rapporteur, Lawlor stated: “My priorities in the coming years will include a focus on the killings of HRDs, the issue of HRDs serving long prison sentences, online attacks and abuse aimed at HRDS, and the safety of marginalised defenders, including those working in remote rural areas, who are often most at physical risk.”

In a recent online interview with Peace Brigades International, Lawlor commented: “I think what PBI can bring to [this] mandate is its close connection with really marginalized human rights defenders.”

In her first message as Special Rapporteur, she also noted: “As you know, these are difficult days for HRDs, and we will be exploring how best to support their work during and after the current global health crisis.”

She added: “The pandemic has changed the world suddenly, and forever. We’ve seen authoritarian regimes taking advantage of the current crisis to grab more power and target those defending human rights. We could lose, in the coming few months, valuable ground it took us long decades to win in establishing human rights protections.”

In 2001, Lawlor founded the Dublin-based organization Front Line Defenders and was its executive director through to 2016.

In her interview with us, Lawlor noted: “When I started out with Front Line Defenders, PBI was one of the organisations I looked to for ideas. I really like the accompaniment model. …What I think I most admire about PBI is the fact that you’re very close to defenders in places that are very hostile to defenders.”

To read more, please see the PBI article: A conversation with Mary Lawlor, new UN Special Rapporteur for HRDs.

You can find her on Twitter at @MaryLawlorhrds

PBI expressions of concern about police violence, the militarization of policing, and extra-judicial killings by the police

Photo: PBI-Kenya at the launch of the Missing Voices 2019 Annual Report on the State of Police Killings and Enforced Disappearances in Kenya.

Peace Brigades International has expressed concern about excessive use of force by state security forces, impunity despite alleged misconduct, the increasing militarization of policing and the attendant risk of human rights violations.

PBI has also recommended adherence to the United Nations’ Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials.

PBI has noted that PBI-Kenya works closely with grassroots human rights defenders in the informal settlements of Nairobi who are working on cases of extrajudicial killings and forced disappearances by the police.

In February 2020, one of those groups, Missing Voices, stated: “Last year, police killed 107 Kenyans according to Missing Voices verified data, most of those killed were young men mostly in informal settlements.”

In 2017, the Mathare Social Justice Centre study Who Is Next? A Participatory Action Research Report Against the Normalization of Extrajudicial Executions in Mathare reported that the police killed 803 young people in Mathare between 2013 and 2015.

PBI-Honduras has noted: “From November 19th, 2017 to January 21st, 2018, PBI-Honduras has registered 35 incidents suffered by human rights defenders, communicators and journalists. The majority of these attacks are related to the excessive use of force by state security forces during protests.”

Also in Honduras, PBI has noted: “In the early morning of October 22, 2015, a group of 20 police offices, 10 soldiers from the Infantry Battalion and nine civilians searched three homes. During the search, they attacked three women and threatened to kill them and struck and intimidated 3 of the 16 children present in the houses.”

PBI-Mexico has observed: “The organisations that PBI accompanies link this militarised [war on drugs] strategy with the human rights crisis the country is still in. In this framework, the proposal of a National Guard, by [President Lopez Obrador’s] government, is a serious concern to human rights organisations.”

PBI has also noted, “The families of the 43 students, the current students of the School of Ayotzinapa and the organisations that accompany them – among them the Tlachinollan Human Rights Centre whose members receive PBI accompaniment – have suffered intimidation and threats.”

The Inter-American Human Rights Commission found that the disappearance of the students involved the direct participation of the federal, state, and municipal police.

PBI-Colombia has drawn attention to the killing of Universidad del Valle student Jhonny Silva and 14-year-old Nicolas Neira by the ESMAD riot police.

On the day that the ESMAD was involved in the death of 18-year-old student Dylan Cruz, PBI-Colombia posted: “Social and peaceful protest is a human right, above all, disproportionate repressions cannot be justified against the civilian population, we ask for guarantees and respect for life.”

PBI-Guatemala has expressed its concern about the Risk of militarization in the PNC (National Civil Police), including an increasing level of cooperation between the PNC and the army, the possibility of former members of the military joining the police, and the purchase of a state-of-the-art surveillance system.

In September 1995, members of the PBI-North America Project travelled to Ipperwash, Ontario to offer their assistance in mediation and de-escalation following the Ontario Provincial Police shooting of Indigenous land defender Dudley George.

Additionally, PBI-Canada notes with concern the increasing militarization of policing in Canada and the disproportionate number of Black and Indigenous peoples killed by the RCMP and other police forces in this country.

University of Winnipeg Professor Kevin Walby and University of Manitoba law student Brendan Roziere have commented on this trend in their article: Rise of the SWAT team: Routine police work in Canada is now militarized.

They note: “Based on our research, we can see that militarization has been normalized within Canada’s largest police services. SWAT teams, once considered a last-resort option for police forces, are now being used in routine areas of policing.”

Furthermore, the PIVOT report 17 years of police violence in Canada found that “between 2000 and 2017, 699 police officers were involved in 460 fatal interactions with the public in Canada.” It highlights that Indigenous people make up 4.8 per cent of the population yet represent 15 per cent of total fatalities. Members of the Black community, which make up 3.4% of the population, represent 9% of the fatalities.

Peace Brigades International is committed to making space for peace and contributing to peaceful solutions to direct and structural violence.

PBI-Guatemala expresses concern about armed attack on Mayan Poqomchi community that leaves teenager wounded

On May 30, the Peace Brigades International-Guatemala Project posted on its Facebook page: “Today [at] around 8:45 in the morning, armed men, supposedly belonging to the private security of the Byron Thomae farm, broke into the [community of] Dos Fuentes, [in the municipality of] Purulha [in the department of] Baja Verapaz and shot and wounded in arm a 15 year old from the community.”

Dos Fuentes has been described as a Mayan Poqomchi community and Purulha is situated about 150 kilometres north-east of Guatemala City. The teenager has been identified in the media as Bernardo Manuel Laj.

Leocadio Juracán from the Altiplano Peasant Committee says the incident is related to people who claim to own the land and highlights: “The State has not had the capacity to clarify the situation [of land ownership and title], so there is the dispute for many years against peasant families, they have destroyed and cut their crops, two years ago there was a murder of a peasant.”

PBI-Guatemala adds: “PBI accompanies the community of Dos Fuentes, part of the CCDA [Campesino Committee of the Highlands] Verapaces. It is a neighboring community of Washington, which was evicted in early April 2020 by the private security groups of the aforementioned farmer [Byron Thomae].”

CCDA Verapaz, which has been accompanied by PBI-Guatemala since July 2018, posted on their Facebook page: “CCDA Verapaz repudiates the acts of constant intimidation, criminalization, assassination attempts, attempted extrajudicial violent evictions, and destruction of crops, made against the community…”

The Verapaz Union of Campesino Organizations (UVOC), which PBI-Guatemala has accompanied since 2005, also issued a condemnation of the attack.

PBI-Guatemala highlights: “We express deep concerns about attacks on rural communities and their right to land by non-state actors, especially in the current context of risk due to the situation of increasing economic and health vulnerability of rural and indigenous communities in the framework of the COVID-19 pandemic.”

At least 1,000 land conflicts in Guatemala

The Guardian has reported: “A peace agreement in 1996 should have led to land redistribution, but a handful of powerful families still dominates the economy, and Guatemala remains one of the world’s least equal and most violent countries, with the largest 2.5% of farms occupying more than 65% of the land.”

“Economic integration forced on Guatemala by the US and global bodies have further opened the country to foreign-backed mining, hydro and other extractive industries, forcing more evictions of indigenous peoples and leading to more violence and inequality.”

“According to the NGO Udefegua, which monitors official records, there were 483 serious acts of aggression against people fighting for their lands in 2017. More than 300 evictions have been registered in 2018.”

Thar article adds: “Mario Minera, former head of mediation at the government’s ombudsman’s office, said there were at least 1,000 land conflicts raging in Guatemala. ‘The whole country has been opened to concessions for mining, sugar cane, palm oil to provide exports. Rivers have been diverted others are drying up. Access to land and water is denied.’” 

For additional context, please see the PBI-Guatemala report We Defend Life! The Social Struggles in Alta Verapaz that examines the struggle related to Guatemala’s deepest structural problem, access to and control of land and territory, within the one department of Alta Verapaz (situated on the northern border of Baja Verapaz).

PBI-Canada presentation to ‘No War 2020’ virtual conference: From Weapons to Windmills

Presentation by PBI-Canada to the #NoWar2020 virtual conference “Weapons to windmills” panel that asks: “How can we effectively make the transition away from the war system towards a peaceful, green, and just future?”

Hello everyone and thank you very much for the opportunity to speak about how we move from weapons to windmills, from an economy that manufactures for war, manufactures wars and is at war with the Earth itself, to a peace economy.

Peace Brigades International was formed nearly 40 years ago just south of Ottawa (on unceded, unsurrendered Algonquin territory) to undertake the task of peacebuilding inspired by the philosophy and experience of nonviolent social change and the commitment to overcome physical and structural violence to establish an enduring peace through accompaniment, advocacy and education.

I would like to speak briefly on the political moment of the pandemic, the economic challenges it has presented for militarism, what we could be learning from the climate justice movement, and how to apply that learning to the peace movement given the interrelationship between the movements and the need for intersectionality.

1- The political moment – human and economic toll

With the COVID-19 pandemic, the world is seeing a terrible loss of life. As of yesterday, 6,765 people have died in Canada from the virus. That’s almost ten times the number of Canadian soldiers who died in Afghanistan, Korea and all other post-World War II conflicts (697). There have been 238 deaths in Ottawa over the past two months, higher than the number of Canadian soldiers (158) killed in Afghanistan between 2002 and 2011.

In terms of finances, the Parliamentary Budget Officer now projects a federal deficit of $112.7 billion, an increase of $89.5 billion from previous forecasts, given government spending to address the economic fallout from the pandemic.

When we are through this pandemic, we can anticipate this will mean austerity measures, budget cuts to address the debt and deficit.

The Canadian military, with some big budget planned expenditures, including more than $19 billion for new fighter jets, knows it is vulnerable to spending cuts.

The Canadian military expects $553 billion in total “defence” spending over the next 20 years and there’s now a profound argument that this expenditure is both wrong and now unaffordable.

We can also anticipate that since the arms industry was deemed an “essential service” and arms production continued in Canada during the pandemic and in Alberta a wide range of environmental monitoring requirements (for surface water, wildlife and bird monitoring, air quality testing) in the tar sands were suspended or reduced, that there will be a push-back and a counter-argument that spending in these areas is now even more vital for security and the recovery of the economy.

2- The political moment – shifting attitudes

Within this political moment, we can also see shifting attitudes towards displays of militarism vs the imperative of funding for frontline health care services and the need to address the crisis within the long-term care system for the elderly.

As of May 6, 82 per cent (3,436 seniors and 6 staff members) of those who had died (4,167) to that point from the coronavirus died in long-term care homes in this country. Concerns are being raised about past funding cuts to long-term care and the high degree (40 per cent) of privatization in the system. There will be appropriate public pressure to spend on long term care (ironically supported by a Canadian Armed Forces report after soldiers were dispatched to help in five Ontario nursing homes during the pandemic).

In comparison, likely more so in the United States, we’ve seen a public backlash against military flyovers as a way to salute frontline workers.

While US President Trump announced his ‘Operation America Strong’ with the Blue Angels (Navy F-18s) and Thunderbirds (Air Force F-16s) to recognize health care workers, and Canadian Prime Minister Trudeau announced ‘Operation Inspiration’ with the RCAF, concerns have been raised that flying these squadrons cost at least $60,000 an hour as frontline workers experience shortages of protective equipment.

3- The present and future crisis of climate breakdown

You may have seen the social media memes with the tidal wave of climate change overtaking the smaller wave of the pandemic.

The present pandemic has seen a global death toll of more than 350,000 people (357,807) and the United Nations has said the global economy is expected to lose $8.5 trillion in output over the next two years due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

In comparison, an estimated 350,000 people die each year due to major diseases and health disorders (primarily malnutrition, diarrhea and malaria) related to climate change and that number is expected to increase to 800,000 people a year by 2030 unless measures are taken. Furthermore, the United Nations has said that the world’s gross domestic product could fall by $33 trillion under a “business as usual” approach that allows global warming of 2.5 degrees Celsius (if countries met their commitments under the Paris Agreement there would still be a 3.2 degree increase).

Conclusions from the political moment

As such, the political moment tells us: the economic costs of this pandemic creates the situation where cuts to military spending may be needed, that spending on the military may be seen as less important than on health care and long term care, and the crisis of climate breakdown may seem more real given what we’ve experienced with the pandemic. We can also anticipate both the arms industry and fossil fuel industry launching well-financed lobbying and public relations campaigns against any shifts.

So, how do we build a movement that shifts from a war economy to a peace economy? I have five quick suggestions on that:

1- Recognize the similarities between the arms and fossil fuel industries.

Both industries are heavily subsidized by the state ($60 billion to the fossil fuel industry in 2015, a baseline of $32.7 billion a year for the Canadian military by 2026-27), both have powerful industry lobby groups (the Canadian Association of Defence and Security Industries – CADSI and the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers – CAPP), both employ thousands of people, and both were seen as “essential services” during the pandemic.

2- Learn from the climate justice movement.

As we seek to demilitarize in order to decarbonize, it makes sense to look at some of lessons learned from the climate justice movement and some of the ongoing tensions that exist within that movement. The key lessons that movement has learned (and is learning): uplift the frontline communities most impacted by extractivism, recognize Indigenous leadership in the struggle, understand that some see climate breakdown as a symptom of a toxic system (of colonialism, white supremacy, patriarchy and other oppressions) and that this needs to be addressed concurrently.

3- Human rights are indivisible

I also want to highlight that 207 land environmental defenders were killed in 2018 trying to protect their communities from destructive extractive industries. The deaths of human rights defenders related to fossil fuel, mining and agribusiness mega-projects underscore the need for a transition to a green economy.

But the violence and infringements on Indigenous rights that has been seen by the Peace Brigades International-Mexico Project when wind power megaprojects have been imposed on communities also tells us that the transition from “weapons to windmills” must adhere to human rights norms and the right to free, prior and informed consent.

4- Emphasize the need for a just transition for workers.

In moving from an economy in Canada that employs about 190,000 workers in the oil and gas industry and about 60,000 workers in the “defence and security” industry, we have to be mindful about what a transition looks like for them.

We may be deeply opposed to the Light Armoured Vehicles (LAVs) being manufactured at the General Dynamics plant in London, Ontario, but we also need to remember that plant employs about 2,000 people (represented by Unifor Local 27).

Here we can argue, as the climate justice movement has, that public spending on renewable energy creates far more jobs than the fossil fuel industry. We can highlight that the clean energy industry in Canada employed 298,000 people in 2017 (Missing the Bigger Picture report) and that $1 million invested in natural gas creates 5 jobs, while the same amount invested in solar power would create 14 jobs (Pear Energy study).

5- Adopt strategies commensurate to the severity of the crisis.

I would suggest that a major recent dynamic within the environmental movement has been a criticism of mainstream non-governmental organizations (NGOs) by grassroots Indigenous and climate justice movement activists.

That criticism has focused on a critique of e-petitions, symbolic weekend rallies and banner drops as woefully insufficient to change entrenched power structures and has urged creative nonviolent direct action and civil disobedience including bridge occupations, blocking pipeline construction equipment, turning off the valves on pipelines.

The peace movement has a rich tradition of nonviolent direct action and civil disobedience in terms of sailing ships into nuclear test zones (as done by PBI founder George Willoughby in 1958), burning draft cards (as done by PBI founder Gene Keyes in 1963), blocking military bases that have nuclear weapons (the Greenham Common Women’s Peace Camp that began in 1981), and blocking arms shows (as the Quakers have done at the DSEI arms show in the UK for many years).

Let me conclude with these quick points on what is to be done, what I think should inform our commitment to decarbonizing and demilitarizing the economy:

1- Let us build an intersectional movement.

2- Let us be creative and bold in our actions.

3- Let us see education as a precursor to action.

4- Let us find a way to blend both the urgency of the situation with the perseverance required to undertake a multi-year campaign.

5- Let us remember that the institutional forces we are up against may at times seem insurmountable, but violence can be resisted and we are in a unique political moment where it is possible to effectively do so.

Thank you.

PBI-Guatemala expresses concern for the security of food and water defender Abelino Mejía

On May 28, the Peace Brigades International-Guatemala Project posted on its Facebook page that Abelino Salvador Mejía Cancino, a member of the Council of Communities of Retalhuleu (CCR), suffered an attempted raid on his home by armed men wearing ski masks on the night of Monday May 25.

Then on Wednesday May 27, armed men wearing balaclavas surrounded his home and watched him and his family.

PBI-Guatemala began accompanying Abelino Mejía earlier this month, as part of the CCR, as a result of his work in defence of health, access to water and food sovereignty for local communities given the impacts caused by sugar mills in the territory.

Abelino lives in the community of Olga Marina Cuchuapán (the town of Champerico) in the department of Retalhuleu. Champerico is a port city situated on the Pacific Ocean about 225 kilometres south-west of Guatemala City.

REDSAG (the National Network for the Defence of Food Sovereignty) notes that Abelino “has championed and accompanied the struggles for the liberation of the kidnapped rivers on the South Coast by agribusiness, especially the sugarcane industry, in addition to demanding the rights to water and food of the communities affected by agribusiness that contaminates and destroys our natural assets.”

Earlier this month, Prensa Libre reported that the Ixquiyá River is the only source of water for several villages in Retalhuleu and Champerico.

Concerns have been expressed that the waterflow in the Ixquiyá River has diminished because monoculture companies have built dams to irrigate their crops.

Broader context provided by Canadian university professor

University of Regina Professor Simon Granovsky-Larsen has written: “The world is searching for cleaner sources of energy. [That has] made growth industries out of alternative energies such as hydroelectricity and biofuel, which counts sugarcane and African palm among its top sources.”

“In Guatemala, this growth has shaken up patterns of land and water usage. Guatemala is the world’s fourth largest exporter of sugar, it follows only Indonesia and Malaysia for palm oil exports and the country is the largest Central American exporter of electricity.”

“Land dedicated to sugarcane in Guatemala grew by 46 per cent between 2001 and 2012, with expansion concentrated along the Pacific coast.”

“Hydro and biofuel are intimately connected through more than the use of the same rivers. Sugarcane producers also generate electricity onsite by burning the crop’s biomass pulp, and many of the small hydroelectric dams in the Pacific region are financed by sugar companies.”

“Many local residents also take issue with the dams due to water usage, land access and pollution.”

“Sugarcane requires three times more water than corn, the primary subsistence crop grown by Guatemalan campesinos. African palm, rubber and banana plantations under expansion in the Pacific region have also diverted community water to satisfy irrigation needs.”

“Due to a shortage of water, plantations have begun ‘stealing’ water, in the words of people from surrounding communities: diverting river routes, mechanically extracting river water and drilling deep wells.”

“Violence against those engaged in water battles on the Pacific coast has not been as extreme as that seen around Canadian mines, but the movement has experienced repression.”

PBI-Canada joins with PBI-Guatemala in expressing concern about the security situation for Abelino Mejía.

‘Still Digging’ report highlights Export Development Canada financing of fossil fuels and the climate crisis

Last year Colombian human rights defenders from CCALCP and CREDHOS raised concerns with Export Development Canada officials in Ottawa about the fracking pilot projects expected to begin in Colombia next year.

On May 27, Oil Change International and Friends of the Earth U.S. released a new report: Still Digging: G20 Governments Continue to Finance the Climate Crisis.

The 45-page report studies the financing of the climate crisis by development finance institutions (DFIs), export credit agencies (ECAs), and multilateral development banks (MDBs) in G20 countries (including Canada).

It found that since the Paris Agreement (that was negotiated in December 2015 and that came into effect in November 2016), G20 countries have acted directly counter to it by providing at least USD $77 billion a year in finance for oil, gas, and coal projects through their public finance institutions.

The report further highlights that Export Development Canada (EDC) is the sole contributor to Canada’s second place ranking for public finance for fossil fuels.

EDC is rare among export credit agencies in that it supports Canadian companies for their domestic projects (including on Indigenous territories without free, prior and informed consent) as well as the companies’ international projects.

The EDC in Colombia

In November 2018, the Above Ground report Bringing Accountability and Transparency to Export Development Canada’s Practices noted: “Frontera (formerly Pacific E&P) received an EDC loan in 2014 for its oil operations in Colombia. The following year its operations at one oilfield were suspended by Colombia’s Constitutional Court, which found that the company had violated the rights of an indigenous community.”

In June 2019, Gustavo Galvis, a Chief Representative for Export Development Canada in Bogota, wrote about “key opportunities for Canadians” in Colombia.

He highlighted: “At one point, Canada was one of the largest investors in [the oil and gas] sector in Colombia. One of the reasons is because there’s a lot of similarities between the Alberta foothills and the Colombian geography. Canadian operators feel comfortable with the industry and today, some of the most important companies in exploration and production in Colombia are Canadian.”

And in August 2019, Claudio Ramirez, the senior trade commissioner for Global Affairs Canada in Bogota, wrote in an Export Development Canada article about the “increased activity across many sectors” in Colombia including oil and gas.

Ramirez highlighted: “Colombian resources are depleting fast, so there’s a push to increase exploration through the auction of new blocks. Technologies related to oil recovery and mature fields are much sought after, as well as in the development of unconventional resources, like fracking and deep-water exploration.”

In November 2019, Peace Brigades International and Amnesty International coordinated a visit by Julia Figueroa and Andrea Nocove from the legal collective CCALCP and Ivan Madero from the human rights organization CREDHOS to raise concerns about fracking in Colombia with EDC representatives at a meeting in Ottawa.

EDC in Honduras

In May 2014, CEHPRODEC (which is accompanied by PBI-Honduras) contributed to the report The Impact of Canadian Mining in Latin America and Canada’s Responsibility that was submitted to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

That report noted: “The political and economic support Canada gives Canadian companies (through mechanisms such as Export Development Canada (EDC), the Investment Board of the Canadian Pension Plan, and the Canadian International Development Agency) is provided without adequate controls to prevent the violation of human rights in the countries where the companies that receive these benefits operate.”

Peace Brigades International-Canada continues to follow the issue of Export Development Canada financing on Indigenous territories in Canada and in countries where PBI accompanies at-risk human rights defenders in Latin America.