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PBI-Mexico highlights report on 29 conflicts in Mexico involving Canadian mine projects

On March 30, the Peace Brigades International-Mexico Project posted on Facebook this excerpt: ′′Mexico tops the list of countries with the largest number of mining conflicts in Latin America, with a total of 58 cases, of which 29 belong to Canadian mine projects.”

Sin Embargo reports: “According to the Observatory of Mining Conflicts (OCMAL), Mexico tops the list of countries with the highest number of conflicts in Latin America, with a total of 58 cases, above Chile (49) and Peru (46).”

The article adds: “The Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources (SEMARNAT) registers more: of 560 socio-environmental conflicts identified in the country, of which 173 are caused by mining activities.”

It also notes: “According to the Integral System on Mining Economy (SINEM), of the Ministry of Economy, there are a total of 242 companies with mining projects in Mexico of which 160 correspond to Canadian miners; while a Fraser Institute report indicates that 74 percent of mining exploration concessions are granted to companies in Canada.”

The feature article in Sin Embargo also lists the 29 mining conflicts involving Canadian mining companies. That list (at #12) includes the Vancouver-based Fortuna Silver mine in San Jose del Progreso, Oaxaca.

On this recent webinar, Neftali Reyes of Educa Oaxaca noted that a decision on the San José mine is expected by the end of this month.

Pedro Máximo Aquino, Efrén Jacinto Sánchez, and Rubén Flores, authorities from Magdalena Ocotlán, also spoke on this webinar.

This Educa Oaxaca report on the webinar highlights: “The representatives of the community located just a few meters from the San José mining project, owned by the FSM company, reiterated that ‘the mining company is affecting us a lot’ with water pollution, mine waste, constant noise and the shortage of water.”

PBI-Mexico has accompanied Educa Oaxaca since May 2013.

PBI-Honduras accompanied National Union of Rural Workers struggles for access to land, an end to militarization

Franklin Almendares, General Secretary, National Union of Rural Workers (CNTC)

Land ownership in Honduras in deeply unequal.

Just 5% of large-scale farmers control almost two thirds of all cultivable land, while 71% of small-scale farmers have access to just 5% of it.

The CNTC, founded in 1985, is a small-scale farming and trade union organization that fights for a fairer distribution of land.

The CNTC is affiliated with La Via Campesina that says: “Small farmers’ demand is simple: they need access to land to grow food for their communities.”

In this article, the Peace Brigades International-Honduras Project notes: “Of the 404 communities that form the CNTC, just 20% have titles to their lands. Many others have worked and lived on their lands for three or four decades and have spent 15 years awaiting the official recognition of their rights that never seems to arrive.”

As a result of this, land evictions are not uncommon.

Government policies that prioritize mining concessions, hydroelectric dam developments and large-scale monoculture, further complicates access to land.

This also means food insecurity.

Added with the COVID-19 lockdowns, the severe tropical storms last year, and climate change related drought, one third of the population of Honduras is facing extreme and chronic hunger by the end of this year.

Worsening this situation, Almendares says: “Recent laws have followed the line of privatization and have brought with them displacement and dispossession.”

Those laws include Decree PCM-052-2019 (that gave the equivalent of CAD $215 million and control of agricultural policies to the armed forces) and Decree 030-2020 (referred to as the Banana Law).

Almendares says: “We say no to the new Banana Law. We cannot allow something to be approved that comes to take away land from more than 450,000 families, increasing the crisis in the countryside.”

He further notes: “We will carry out permanent actions at the national level, takeovers, sit-ins, and protests [against this law].”

PBI-Honduras has been accompanying the CNTC since May 2018.

Last November, CNTC regional secretary Neptaly Ventura Orellana was shot in both legs. Pasos de Animal Grande reported that Almendares went to PBI-Honduras, which helped him make the situation visible and accompanied the process of filing a complaint as well as requesting protection for Neptaly.

“The pandemic closed us off and covered our mouths, isolated us from reality. In the midst of this, they bombarded us with laws that increased militarization and violence in the territories.” – Franklin Almendares, CNTC

Understanding the militarization of Indigenous territory as a human rights violation

What is the relationship between militarization of territory and human rights?

Years ago, the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues was told that the militarization of Indigenous territories was the root cause of many forms of human rights violations. The recommendation made at that time was that the Permanent Forum should form a Working Group on Militarization.

And in this letter to the editor in The Guardian, PBI-UK noted: “PBI has provided protection to at-risk human rights defenders in the country since 2000, an experience that has shown us that in the federal states where a security strategy based on militarization has been implemented, attacks against activists have increased significantly.”

Furthermore, PBI-Honduras accompanied COPINH coordinator Bertha Zuniga Caceres says in the film La Lucha Sigue: “We have an army in a country where there’s no armed conflict with any other country. The only conflict in Honduras is a conflict of interests of the richest people with the most historically impoverished people.”

Militarization can also refer to the use of military equipment and tactics by the police.

The Guardian gives this example: “Notes from a strategy session for a militarized raid on ancestral lands of the Wet’suwet’en nation show that commanders of Canada’s national police force, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), argued that ‘lethal overwatch is req’d’ – a term for deploying an officer who is prepared to use lethal force. …On 7 January 2019, RCMP officers – dressed in military-green fatigues and armed with assault rifles – descended on the checkpoint, dismantling the gate and arresting 14 people.”

Despite this UN resolution calling for “[the RCMP] and associated security and policing services will be withdrawn from their traditional lands”, the CBC has reported the RCMP presence on Wet’suwet’en territory between January 2019 (when the raid described above happened) and March 2020 cost $13.1 million.

In essence, it can be argued that the RCMP has militarized the unceded Indigenous Wet’suwet’en territory as illustrated in this video from the Water Protector Legal Collective, this video of an interaction between the RCMP and two journalists, and in this video of the RCMP’s interaction with documentary filmmaker Michael Toledano.

Earlier this month, University of British Columbia professor Sheryl Lightfoot was appointed to the UN Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, a seven-person body that provides the UN Human Rights Council with expertise and advice on the rights of Indigenous peoples. This would be an important issue for that body to consider.

Less than a year before she was killed, Berta Caceres commented: “Our Mother Earth – militarized, fenced-in, poisoned, a place where basic rights are systematically violated – demands that we take action.”

That’s a call to all of us to understand the issue of militarization and militarism in its various forms and to contribute to building a more peaceful, just world.

For more on this, you may also be interested in the World Beyond War Canada and Science for Peace organized webinar Militarism & Climate Change: Disaster in Progress that is happening on Thursday April 29 at 7:00 pm ET.

Screenshot from the Mutual Aid Media film La Lucha Sigue.

PBI-Colombia accompanies COSPACC at march in support of social leaders who have been judicialized in Casanare

On March 26, PBI-Colombia posted: “Today PBI accompanied COSPACC in Casanare where social organizations express their support to social leaders and defenders of human rights judicialized and deprived of liberty.”

Judicialization can be understood as the criminalization of defenders through the misuse of criminal law by state and non-state actors with the aim of controlling, punishing or preventing the exercise of the right to defend human rights.

The person on the banner above is Miguel Daza, human rights defender with COSPACC. He was arrested in Aguazul, Casanare on February 23 this year.

Colombia Informa has reported: “Daza has promoted mobilizations for the defense of its territory and for the rights of communities in the area of influence of oil projects.”

COSPACC, the Committee in Solidarity with Political Prisoners (CSPP) and allies have produced the report Criminalization of the defence of human rights in Colombia: The judicialization of defenders of land, territory, environment and peace.

The report documents that 74 per cent of the human rights defenders prosecuted between January 2012 and July 2019 were environmental defenders.

That report highlights the case of the eight social leaders in San Luis de Palenque, Casanare criminalized by Toronto-based Frontera Energy for protesting their oil operations.

The full report can be read here.

PBI-Colombia has accompanied COSPACC since 2009.

PBI-Mexico calls for a specific investigative commission for attacks against environmental and land rights defenders

On March 28, this article was published in Spanish in Agencia Quadratín:

Peace Brigades International (PBI) considered urgent “a firm commitment” of the Mexican government to advance in the investigations and identify the material responsible and intellectuals of the threats and murders of human rights defenders in Mexico.

In a statement it was detailed that in the 46th session of the Human Rights Council of the United Nations (UN), in a parallel event, Mar Saiz Avendaño, European representative of the Mexico Project of PBI, although she recognized the existence of Mexico’s efforts to advance in this regard, “impunity persists reaching alarming levels of 98%.”

This was expressed in the event “Towards the eradication of murders and threats against human rights defenders in Mexico”, parallel to the United Nations sessions, which brought together the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, Mary Lawlor, with various civil society organizations, this March 11.

The Mexican government, Saiz Avendaño stated, should consider the creation of a specific investigative commission for attacks on environmental and land and territory rights defenders, taking into account that they are 70 percent of the 19 defenders murdered in Mexico during 2020.

In the case of grievances against defenders in Mexico, Saiz explained, the installation of specialized prosecutors and the creation of independent investigation groups (such as the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts for the Ayotzinapa case) have been mechanisms capable of advancing in the right to truth and justice.

In order to achieve its objectives, “it is crucial” that these bodies be made up of independent experts and that their members have the support of Mexican human rights organizations, she explained.

The PBI proposal was based on the Lawlor report “Last Warning: Human Rights Defenders, Victims of Death Threats and Assassinations”, which contains a recommendation to “create commissions of inquiry when there is a sustained number or significant increase in murders of defenders.”

On another topic, the PBI representative expressed her concern about the elimination of the trust that finances the Mechanism for the Protection of Journalists and Human Rights Defenders, of the Ministry of the Interior, “even with a multitude of voices, Mexican and international actors against this decision.”

“Inevitably this will weaken the Mechanism’s capabilities,” she said; “We are concerned that the protection of defenders will be relegated and urgent needs will no longer be addressed.” She explained that the existing lags may be aggravated and the Mechanism has yet to develop measures according to the specific protection needs of women and their families, and the collective protection needs that affect communities and groups.

The event was called by the civil society organizations themselves: Peace Brigades International (PBI), Consortium for Parliamentary Dialogue and Equity Oaxaca, German Coordination for Human Rights in Mexico, Human Rights Center of Montaña Tlachinollan, Front Line Defenders, World Organization Against Torture, Bread for the World, Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Project (ProDESC), National Network of Women Human Rights Defenders in Mexico and International Service for Human Rights.

The full article can be read in Spanish on the Quadratín Agency website.

Department of National Defence says it is on track to purchase new fighter jets in 2022

The Government of Canada is in the process of selecting a new fighter jet for the Royal Canadian Air Force. It plans to choose either the Boeing F/A-18 Super Hornet, the Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II, or the Saab Gripen.

It has stated: “The initial evaluation of proposals is anticipated to be completed by spring 2021, at which point Canada may choose to enter into dialogue with two or more compliant bidders and request revised proposals.”

The Future fighter capability project website also provides these dates: “Implementation project approval: 2022” and “Contract award: 2022”.

Now, the Canadian Press reports: “Troy Crosby, the assistant deputy minister of materiel at the Department of National Defence, says officials remain on track to meet that schedule [of finishing the evaluation process later this year and selecting] a winner next year.”

The Deputy Minister at DND says: “I still see the evaluation being completed this year. And that would get us to a point where we could enter whatever the resulting agreements or contracts are next year in 2022.”

This purchase appears to be moving ahead despite the Parliamentary Budget Officer now projecting a $363.4 billion deficit.

It also follows news of research by a team at Simon Fraser University’s School of Resource and Environmental Management that says Canada will lose $11.9 billion because of the government’s purchase of the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion project.

The Government of Canada says the acquisition of the new fighter jets, associated equipment and setup to enable entry into service will cost $15-19 billion.

But the No Fighter Jet Coalition recently released this report that estimates the actual cost of Canada purchasing 88 new fighter jets could total $76.8 billion.

The Parliamentary Budget Officer does not plan to cost the new fighter jet until the Canadian government chooses one of the three fighter jets.

From the comments made by the Department of National Defence, it is not precisely clear when that selection will be made or if the costing by the Parliamentary Budget Officer would be completed before the contract is signed by the Government of Canada.

The No Fighter Jet Coalition will be present on Parliament Hill on Budget Day – Thursday April 19 at 3:30 pm – to highlight these concerns.

PBI-Canada observes the International Transgender Day of Visibility and the accompaniment of trans rights defenders

Photo: Teen Vogue.

Today, March 31, is the International Transgender Day of Visibility.

Egale Canada has tweeted: “#TransDayOfVisibility2021 is about celebrating trans people & progresses made toward true equity for the trans community. Beyond that #TDOV is about renewing our commitment to educate ourselves on trans issues and to raise our voices against transphobia in all its forms.”

PBI-Guatemala posted on its Facebook page a quote from Monica Chub an Indigenous trans woman. She says: “As an Indigenous woman, I visibilize my existence next to the great woman who gave me life, about my identity she is always with me supporting me. I live in a territory where I make my rights visible and respected. My struggle is very strong, and it faces discrimination day after day.”

PBI-Colombia accompanied CREDHOS has tweeted: “CREDHOS accompanies and supports the defence of human rights of the Trans community.”

And PBI-Honduras has posted: “The LGTBIQ+ community in Honduras is in a situation of structural violence, stigma and discrimination. Trans women face the most attacks, assaults, harassment, arrests and even murder.”

It adds: “In the face of this, organizations and people who defend LGTBIQ + rights create mechanisms for collective care and self defence and demand a system of care and protection with a differential approach.”

On this day, we encourage you to watch the 18-minute documentary Somos (in Spanish), a co-production between PBI-Honduras and PBI-United Kingdom.

PBI-UK has noted: “Somos tells the story of Arcoiris, a group of LGBT+ human rights defenders in Honduras. In recent years the organization has faced mounting attacks and threats following relentless public abuse and stigmatization.”

We also encourage you to read the 8-page PBI-Honduras publication: En busqueda de una proteccion integral para la diversidad sexual en Honduras (In search of comprehensive protection for sexual diversity in Honduras).

Peace Brigades International accompanies human rights defenders around the world, including those engaged in struggles related to gender identity.

The Yogyakarta Principles, a set of international human rights principles, affirm that “sexual orientation and gender identity are integral to every person’s dignity and humanity and must not be the basis for discrimination or abuse.”

Principle 27 calls on all states to: “Ensure the protection of human rights defenders, working on issues of sexual orientation and gender identity, against any violence, threat, retaliation, de facto or de jure discrimination, pressure, or any other arbitrary action perpetrated by the State, or by non-State actors, in response to their human rights activities.”

PBI-Honduras has accompanied Arcoiris since July 2015.

#DiaDeLaVisibilidadTrans

Read this document in full here.

Marking the 10th anniversary of the Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement

Colombian lawyer Yessika Hoyos Morales came to Ottawa in May 2009 to speak against the Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement. Photo: Toronto Star.

The Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement will soon be marking its 10th anniversary given it came into force on August 15, 2011.

Canada announced in August 2002 that exploratory discussions would begin with Andean countries (including Colombia) toward an FTA. Negotiations began with Colombia on June 7, 2007 and the agreement was signed on November 21, 2008.

One of those who came to Canada to speak against the free trade agreement was Yessika Hoyos Morales who is a lawyer with the PBI-Colombia accompanied José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers’ Collective (CCAJAR).

During a visit to Ottawa in May 2009, she stated: “If Canada ratifies the free trade agreement it will give a message to Colombians and to the whole international community that Canada supports a government that violates human rights.”

The full text of her comments to the House of Commons Standing Committee on International Trade can be read here.

An interview with her can also be seen here: part 1 and part 2.

Despite this, Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s minority Conservative government passed the implementation act for the Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement with the support of the opposition Liberals on June 14, 2010.

The Liberals sought an annual human rights report as part of their support, but notably it specifically excludes the deal’s foreign investment chapter and focuses instead on the potential impacts of tariff reductions.

The first full report on the deal concluded: “It is not possible to establish a direct link between the CCOFTA and the human rights situation in Colombia. There is no evidence of a causal link between reductions in tariffs by Canada in accordance with the CCOFTA, and changes in human rights in Colombia.”

Notably, the negotiations between Canada and Colombia took place during a period of serious human rights violations now in the news.

The Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP), which was set up to prosecute crimes committed during the armed conflict, recently found that 6,402 civilians were killed by the military between 2002 and 2008 and falsely passed off as enemy combatants.

Furthermore, Global Witness has documented that at least 250 land and environmental defenders have been killed in Colombia since 2011.

PBI-Canada hopes to work with allies to mark this anniversary, reflect on the past 10 years, and to develop recommendations moving forward.

More than $29 million spent on criminalizing Indigenous land defenders at Wet’suwet’en and 1492 Land Back Lane

Millions of dollars are spent on the “policing” of Indigenous land defenders on their traditional and unceded lands in this country.

On March 30, 1492 Land Back Lane tweeted: “Today we have learned the OPP have spent $16.3 million dollars on the policing of 1492 Landback Lane from July 19, 2020 to January 19, 2021. That’s an average of $2.6 million a month or $90,000 a day.”

This follows an APTN article by Brett Forester that reports: “The figures reveal the OPP were spending between $2 million and $3 million per month on salaries, round-the-clock overtime, food, hotels, travel costs, supplies, equipment, building rentals and other related expenses between July 2020 and January 2021.”

Land defender Skyler Williams says: “What an amazing waste of money. Rather than spending $16.3 million on policing and seeing the criminalization of Indigenous people standing up for their rights, they could’ve sent two ministers down here from the feds, a couple from the province, and resolved this in a peaceful way eight months ago.”

Similarly, a few months ago, Chantelle Bellrichard reported: “The cost of policing the Coastal GasLink pipeline conflict in northern B.C. between January 2019 and March 2020 was more than $13 million, according to documents obtained by CBC News.”

That article quotes Wet’suwet’en Hereditary Chief Na’moks who said the police costs were “a tremendous waste of money.”

We also recall that the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has urged Canada to withdraw the RCMP and associated security and policing services from Wet’suwet’en traditional lands.

More broadly, Global Witness in its report on threats against land and environmental defenders has called on governments to “guarantee that no business project goes ahead without the free, prior and informed consent of potentially and affected indigenous communities at every stage of the project cycle or operation.”

PBI-Canada expresses concern about the criminalization of Indigenous land defenders and water protectors in this country.

We express further concern about the legislation in Alberta and Manitoba that would further criminalize and punish these land defenders.

Understanding the relationship between Canada’s sugar consumption and human rights in Guatemala

The Peace Brigades International-Guatemala Project has highlighted that the sugar business in Guatemala means “sweet profits for exporters, bitter impacts for communities.”

Abelino Mejia Cancino is a member of the PBI-Guatemala accompanied Council of Communities of Retalhuleu (CCR).

Abelino says: “We need people to realize that when they consume sugar, it has an impact on the life of the communities and on the right to water for all.”

Notably, the Guatemalan Sugar Association (ASAZGUA) has identified Canada as the top export destination for Guatemalan sugar.

In September 2020 it reported Guatemala exported 333,596 metric tons of sugar to Canada. The next largest market was the United States at 261,628 MT.

Where would one find Guatemalan sugar in Canada?

The Canadian Sugar Institute notes: “Raw sugar is transported by ship in bulk cargo to refineries located at deep water ports in Vancouver, Montreal and Toronto.”

It further notes: “Approximately 94% is refined from raw cane sugar imported in bulk to cane sugar refining operations in Vancouver, Toronto and Montreal.”

Those sugar refineries are: Rogers Sugar (Vancouver), Redpath Sugar Ltd (Toronto) and Lantic Inc (Montreal).

The Canadian Sugar Institute also explains: “More than 85% of Canada’s sugar production is destined for the industrial market.”

From there, sugar is found in over 40,000 packaged food and beverage products available on Canadian store shelves.

As such, sugar can be found in a wide variety of products including snack bars, juice, yogurt, and even baby food and formula.

Furthermore, raw sugar bought in grocery stores in Canada is more likely to bear the name of the sugar refinery (Rogers, Redpath or Lantic) than the country of origin.

As such, it is difficult to pinpoint how Canadians are consuming sugar from Guatemala.

That said, it is known that Canadians consume the equivalent of about 26 teaspoons of sugar everyday (about 30 per cent of that from vegetables and fruit).

So, while it does not appear easily discernible to know when we are consuming Guatemalan sugar, it is still important to keep in mind Abelino’s call for understanding that the consumption of this sugar has an impact on the life of communities and the right to water.

To read the PBI-Guatemala article below, please click here.

And for a 7-minute video on this (with English subtitles) posted on the PBI-Guatemala Facebook page, please click here.