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PBI-Honduras learns more about the struggle against the Aurora I dam on Lenca territory

On December 14, the Peace Brigades International-Honduras Project posted: “Last week we learned more about the struggle of San José Civil Society against hydroelectric megaprojects in the municipality of La Paz and for a more participatory society.”

PBI-Honduras adds: “Although the Aurora I hydroelectric plant is already working, they assure that ‘these 10 years of struggle have been worth it to raise awareness’ and avoid other projects in the area.”

In October 2016, MiningWatch Canada noted: “On July 6th, Lesbia Yaneth Urquía was murdered in apparent connection with her opposition to a hydroelectric dam project on Lenca territory, the Aurora I project in the municipality of San José, La Paz.”

The Guardian has reported: “Urquía, a mother of three children, was a member of the Council of Indigenous Peoples of Honduras (COPINH) and had been working to stop a hydroelectric projects in Honduras’s western La Paz department.”

Friends of the Earth International has reported: “Lesbia found herself in a distrustful context, in the framework of a ‘consultation’ process conducted by the Honduran government for the approval of a bill to regulate the Free, Prior, and Informed Consultation mechanism on July 4-5 in Marcala, La Paz.”

It was in Marcala where Lesbia was murdered.

COPINH stated: “The death of Lesbia Yaneth is a political femicide that tries to silence the voices of women with courage and the bravery to defend their rights. We hold the Honduras government directly responsible for this murder.”

Frontline Defenders has further noted: “The company behind the [Aurora I hydroelectric dam] project is owned by Gladys Aurora López, president of the National Party and vice-president of the National Congress.”

And Radio Mundo has highlighted: “Hydroelectric dams are the main projects threatening the COPINH communities. There are over 50 projects of this kind throughout the country.”

PBI-Honduras began accompanying the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH) in May 2016. Berta Cáceres, the co-founder and coordinator of COPINH, was killed in March 2016.

PBI-Canada expresses concern about shot fired at Mi’kmaq fisher and ongoing instances of violence in Mi’kma’ki/Nova Scotia

On October 21, people gathered on Parliament Hill across the street from the Prime Minister’s Office in support of the Mi’kmaq inherent and treaty right to fish.

On September 17, after 21 years of inaction by the Canadian government to provide a framework to implement the Supreme Court of Canada’s ruling affirming the Treaty rights of the Mi’kmaq to fish for a “moderate livelihood”, the Sipekne’katik First Nation in Nova Scotia issued a small number of licences to Mi’kmaq fishers.

On that day, CBC reported that the Sipekne’katik boats launched on St. Marys Bay were met on the water by non-Indigenous fishers.

Sakura Saunders described the situation: “Over 60 commercial fishery boats (including trawlers) rallied to intimidate 5 Mi’kmaq fishing boats with 50 traps each attempting to practice their treaty rights on the 21st anniversary of the Marshall Decision.”

By October 5, Justice Gruben tweeted: “Robert Syliboy’s (Mi’kmaq) boat has been destroyed @ Comeauville Wharf, 5 mins away from Saulnierville. In response to Moderate Livelihood lobster fishing. Tensions have not worn off, they are still high & Canada’s racism and refusal to step-in speaks volumes.”

Then on October 14, Agent NDN tweeted: “So I’ve just seen some live streams on FB showing what happened tonight. Settler fishermen raided the Mi’gmaw fishing compound. They cut the power; ransacked the buildings; poured chemicals on living lobsters; lit a van on fire; stole lobster traps; threw rocks; made threats.”

By October 17, a fire destroyed that lobster pound (building) used by Mi’kmaq fishers in the fishing village of Middle West Pubnico, Nova Scotia.

After that happened, Idle No More posted: “The violent actions of the commercial fishermen against Indigenous people is terrorist vigilantism. Mi’kmaq people have been threatened, physically attacked, fishing boats have been damaged, and lobster pounds have been destroyed.”

Their statement highlighted: “The inaction of the federal and provincial government and the RCMP to protect Mi’kmaq people is a violation of Indigenous inherent rights, Treaty rights, and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People.”

Then on December 13, Pictou Landing Chief Andrea Paul posted on Facebook: “Today – actually about 15 minutes ago a white male (3 of them actually) were seen pulling up our Netukulimk Fishing traps. Our fisher went out to see who it was. They SHOT at him!!! They were there with a rifle and shot at my community member!!! My fisher was alone.”

The following day CBC reported: “RCMP in Pictou County, N.S. have one person in custody after reports of shots fired Sunday in the area of Pictou Landing First Nation.”

For additional context, Vice recently reported: ‘There’s Death Threats’: Indigenous Fishers Nervous as Nova Scotia’s Commercial Lobster Season Opens.

The Burnt Church Crisis that followed the Supreme Court ruling in September 1999 is told in a feature-length National Film Board documentary by Alanis Obomsawin that can be watched online at: Is the Crown at war with us?

Hundreds protest against Ecopetrol fracking pilot project in Puerto Wilches, Colombia

A protest against fracking took place in the municipality of Puerto Wilches in the department of Santander in north-eastern Colombia on Sunday December 13.

The protest was organized by the Committee for the Defence of Water, Life and the Territory of Puerto Wilches (AGUAWIL) and the Alliance for a Colombia Free of Fracking. As noted in this tweet included below, AGUAWIL is accompanied by the Regional Corporation for the Defence of Human Rights (CREDHOS).

Blu Radio reports: “Hundreds of inhabitants of the municipality of Puerto Wilches, Santander, held a carnival march to say no to the pilot projects of integral research, or fracking, that Ecopetrol will carry out in the so-called Kalé project.”

That article adds: “Ecopetrol explained that in January it will start the environmental impact study and arrive in the rural area of the municipality to install equipment and survey the inhabitants on water quality before and after the fracking pilot project.”

Caracol Radio also notes: “The message [of Sunday’s carnival march] is clear, tell the National Government that the community will not allow a municipality that has been exploited for 60 years, to be the epicenter of the exploration of unconventional deposits, without knowing for sure the damage.”

RCN Radio further reports: “Hender Acuña, a member of the Committee for the Defense of Water, Life and the Territory of Puerto Wilches, assured that if such practices were implemented, the ecosystem would suffer irreparable impacts.”

That article adds: “This will be the first march to be done in rejection of fracking in the municipality of Puerto Wilches, where the community will continue to implement protests and legal resources to curb Ecopetrol’s intentions.”

Ecopetrol was awarded a licence on November 25 by the National Hydrocarbons Agency (ANH) to conduct a fracking pilot project in Puerto Wilches.

Beyond Ecopetrol, it is expected that Toronto-based Sintana Energy Inc. (and its Colombian subsidiary Patriot Energy) in collaboration with ExxonMobil could also pursue a fracking pilot project in the VMM-37 block in Puerto Wilches.

BNAmericas has reported: “Colombia will award drilling rights for up to three areas in a second licensing round for unconventional pilot projects, hydrocarbons regulator ANH said. ExxonMobil and Drummond Energy withdrew their interest pending the publication of new guidelines related to evaluation terms and the appointment of a review committee. ANH did not provide details about when the second auction would take place.”

As recently as this past July, Petroguia reported: “In the VMM-37 block granted to the North American company ExxonMobil, in Puerto Wilches (Santander), it would contemplate the cutting of 109 hectares of forest, the capture of an average of more than six daily pools of water in the Magdalena and Sogamoso rivers, and a polygon area comparable to 21,655 soccer fields, which will impact five townships.”

In November 2019, Peace Brigades International hosted an advocacy tour in Canada with representatives from CREDHOS and CCALCP who highlighted their concerns about fracking. PBI continues to follow this situation closely.

Tweet from PBI-Colombia accompanied CREDHOS: “Today. We accompany the Committee for the Defense of Water, Life and the Territory of Puerto Wilches – AGUAWIL in the day of rejection of the Integrated Research Pilot project for the exploration and exploitation of unconventional deposits through the fracking technique.”

Transparency and full-cost accounting lacking in the purchase of replacement CF-18 fighter jets and new warplanes to come

A CF-18 at the 4 Wing/Canadian Forces Base Cold Lake. The construction of that base displaced Dene Su’lene’ peoples from their traditional territories. This past August, the Canadian government announced a $9.2 million infrastructure upgrade to the base to support the new fighter jets to be stationed at this base.

The Canadian government intends to award a contract in 2022 to one of three companies to build a new fleet of fighter jets to replace the current fleet of CF-18s. That fleet cost $4 billion to purchase in 1982 and $2.6 billion to upgrade in 2010.

The first delivery of the new warplanes would come in the mid 2020s and the full fleet of 88 planes would be delivered by the early 2030s (likely 2032).

As an interim measure, the Canadian government approved in November 2018 the purchase of 18 second-hand Australian F-18s.

The Department of National Defence had indicated the cost of buying and upgrading these warplanes would be $895.5 million.

In June 2018, Ottawa Citizen reporter David Pugliese reported Canada might actually buy 25 Australian fighter jets, but that: “The Liberal government has set aside up to $500 million for the project and that would cover the seven added jets”

By February 2019, after the approval of the purchase, Parliamentary Budget Officer Yves Giroux reported that the actual cost of buying, upgrading and flying the fighter jets until 2032 would cost between $1.09 billion and $1.15 billion.

Lee Berthiaume of the Canadian Press then reported in January 2020 the figure of $3 billion to purchase the 18 fighter jets and extend the life of the current fleet.

Berthiaume further reported at that time that an additional $800 million is to be spent on new weapons, sensors and defensive systems.

By June of this year, Pugliese had reported: “The U.S. government has cleared the way for Canada to buy more than $1 billion worth of new missiles and related equipment for the Royal Canadian Air Force’s CF-18 fighter jet fleet.”

The first Australian fighter jet was delivered in February 2019 and the final aircraft is expected to be delivered in December of next year.

Now, CBC reporter Murray Brewster reports that only three of the seven F-18 fighter jets have been integrated into the air force and the Department of National Defence says key upgrades to as much as one-third of the current fleet will take up to five years.

Brewster adds that this cost and delay has prompted Selkirk, Manitoba Member of Parliament James Bezan, the Conservative defence critic, to say it would make more sense to accelerate the purchase of the new fighter jets.

The cost of new fighter jets

In contrast, a peace coalition opposed to the purchase of the new fighter jets has called for a full-cost accounting of the new warplanes.

The Government of Canada says the acquisition of the new aircraft, associated equipment and setup to enable entry into service will cost $15-19 billion.

But there is every indication the actual cost will be billions more.

In 2011, CBC reporter Meagan Fitzpatrick reported that while the Canadian government said the purchase cost of 65 F-35s would be $9 billion, the Parliamentary Budget Officer pegged the purchase price and sustainment costs at $29.3 billion over 30 years.

Despite the scale of the purchase, no official calculation has been made public on the full, lifecycle cost of the 88 new warplanes, but it is a certainty that the actual cost (when operations, sustainment, disposal and contingency acquisition costs are considered) would be billions more than the sticker price.

The Parliamentary Budget Office currently does not plan to cost the new fighter jet until the Canadian governments chooses among the three contenders: the Boeing F/A-18 Super Hornet; the Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II; and the Saab Gripen.

But the Canadian government has not given a specific date of when it will shortlist one of the contenders or if that decision will be made public.

Public Services and Procurement Canada has only said: “The initial evaluation of proposals is anticipated to be completed by spring 2021, at which point Canada may choose to enter into dialogue with two or more compliant bidders and request revised proposals.”

We also do not know if it will be a matter of days, weeks or months before the selection of the fighter jet and the signing of the contract.

Nor do we know where the Parliamentary Budget Office full-cost calculation of the chosen warplane would fit into that timeline.

The lack of transparency and answers to these fundamental questions about costs is a matter of great concern and should be addressed.

“Humanity is waging war on nature” – UN Secretary-General António Guterres warns ahead of the Climate Ambition Summit

Just prior to the Climate Ambition Summit, UN Secretary-General António Guterres stated: “Humanity is waging war on nature. …Making peace with nature is the defining task of the 21st century.  It must be the top, top priority for everyone, everywhere.”

That summit, co-hosted by the United Kingdom, the United Nations and France, in partnership with Chile and Italy, took place on December 12, the 5th anniversary of the conclusion of the COP21 talks in Paris and the Paris climate agreement.

That agreement contains a ratchet mechanism by which nations must update their commitments every five years.

At COP21, Canada pledged to reduce carbon its emissions by 30 per cent below 2005 levels (703 megatonnes) by 2030.

In this 98-second pre-recorded video played at the summit, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau stated: “We will raise our emission reduction ambitions. And in partnership with provinces and territories, we as a country will strive for the upper end of a range of 32 to 40 per cent below 2005 levels by 2030.”

Most countries gauge their carbon emission reduction targets based on a 1990 baseline, for instance the European Union has pledged to reduce their carbon emissions by 55 per cent below 1990 levels by 2030.

If Canada were to use its 1990 levels (603 megatonnes), its promise at the Climate Ambition Summit would represent a 17.7 to 27.4 per cent reduction.

Hundreds of people had called on the Canadian prime minister – through a PBI-Canada urgent action – to strengthen Canada’s target, present a credible plan to achieve that target, uphold the Indigenous right to free, prior and informed consent and recognize the situation of human rights defenders on the frontlines of the climate crisis.

They highlighted that on average four land and environmental defenders have been killed every week since the Paris climate agreement was reached in December 2015. More than one-third of those fatal attacks have been against Indigenous land defenders.

Furthermore, the UN High Commissioner for human rights has stated climate change is a massive threat to human rights and the UN Human Rights Council passed this resolution calling for the protection of environmental human rights defenders given the crucial role they play in protecting vital ecosystems and addressing climate change.

These crucial issues were not at the forefront of the summit.

Yesterday, Greta Thunberg tweeted: “At the #ClimateAmbitionSummit leaders celebrate their shameless loopholes, empty words, distant insufficient goals and theft of present and future living conditions – calling it ‘ambition’. There are no climate leaders. The only ones who can change this is you and me. Together.”

And Tim Gore, head of climate policy at Oxfam, says: “The Climate Ambition Summit lacked real ambition. World leaders must step up in the next 12 critical months to pull the world back from the brink of catastrophic climate change. Commitments to near-term emissions cuts are still insufficient to limit warming to the 1.5C Paris goal.”

The 12-month timeline that Gore references relates to the COP26 climate summit that will be held in Glasgow, Scotland on November 1-12, 2021.

PBI-Canada will continue to highlight the importance of frontline land and environmental defenders working to stop the war on nature.

HBO documentary on slain Guatemalan Bishop Juan Gerardi premieres on December 16

Photo by PBI-Canada Board member Marianna Tzabiras of the release of the ‘Nunca Mas’ report. Two days later, Bishop Gerardi was murdered.

A new documentary about Guatemalan Bishop Juan Gerardi titled ‘The Art of Political Murder’, produced by American actor George Clooney based on the book of the same name by Francisco Goldman, will premiere on HBO Max on December 16.

To see a 2-minute trailer for the film, please click here.

GHRC has explained: “Before his death in 1998, Roman Catholic Archbishop and human rights defender Juan José Gerardi Conedera was one of the strongest voices speaking out against the atrocities committed during the internal armed conflict.”

“On April 24, 1998, Gerardi presented the findings of the REMHI [Recovery of Historical Memory Project] in a report entitled “Nunca Más” (Never Again). The report was particularly damning to the Guatemalan military.”

GHRC notes: “On April 26, 1998, two days after the release of the report, Bishop Gerardi was bludgeoned to death in his home in Guatemala City.”

Religion News Service adds: “The REHMI report that cost Gerardi his life identified 435 massacres and listed more than 50,000 people who disappeared, finding that the government perpetrated ‘the vast majority of atrocities during the war’.”

Recently, Al Jazeera reported: “More than 80 percent of the estimated 200,000 people killed during the country’s 36-year civil war between the military and guerrilla groups from 1960-1996 were Maya civilians. A United Nations-backed truth commission concluded that state actors committed genocide in some regions.”

In 1983, Peace Brigades International co-founder Daniel N. Clark met with Bishop Gerardi for an exploratory meeting about PBI (founded in September 1981).

In April 1998, PBI attended the release of the ‘Nunca Mas’ report at the cathedral in Guatemala City. PBI-Guatemala volunteer Marianna Tzabiras, now a member of the PBI-Canada Board of Directors, was there at that time.

On May 4, 1998, just days after the death of Bishop Gerardi, Amy Goodman interviewed PBI activist Liam Mahony about this murder and the situation in Guatemala.

Presently, PBI-Mexico accompanies the Juan Gerardi Human Rights Centre (CDHJG) that works in the lake region of Torreón, Coahuila, Mexico.

PBI first operated a project in Guatemala from 1983-1999; it closed following the Peace Accords. Unfortunately, the human rights situation soon began again to deteriorate, and local organizations asked PBI to return.

The current project opened in 2003.

Once again, the trailer for the documentary about Bishop Gerardi can be seen here.

Secwepemc land defender Kanahus Manuel calls for a national inquiry into the Ts’Peten/ Gustafsen Lake standoff

Secwepemc land defender Kanahus Manuel has posted on Facebook: “Before Wolverine passed away he called on the government to have a national inquiry into the Gustafsen Lake standoff in Unceded Secwepemc Territory 1995 and the use of police and military against Indigenous Land Defenders.”

She adds: “In the courts it was exposed the amount of live rounds (77,000 rounds fired) used against Indigenous land defenders including Wolverine. I stand with Wolverine in his call for a federal inquiry into Gustafsen Lake Standoff!”

The CBC has previously explained: “The standoff began in 1995 when about 20 First Nations occupied a piece of ranch land near 100-Mile House that they said was sacred and part of a larger tract of unceded territory.”

The town of 100-Mile House is located about 190 kilometres north-west of Kamloops, British Columbia.

That article adds: “In response the RCMP brought in 400 armed officers, backed by helicopters and armoured personnel carriers, blew up a supply pick-up truck with buried explosives, and fired thousands of rounds of ammunition.”

APTN has also noted: “The RCMP used an IED [improvised explosive device] against the warriors during the standoff and Bison armoured personnel carriers provided and driven by the Canadian Forces.”

That article adds: “One of Wolverine’s last acts [before he passed away in March 2016] was to issue a call for a public inquiry into the actions of the RCMP and Canadian military during the Gustafsen Lake standoff.”

That letter to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau stated: “The core issues that so forcefully clashed against each other remain at the forefront of the hearts and minds of Indigenous people. That is our right to self-determination, autonomy and protection from the dispossession of our lands and territories.”

Wolverine’s letter to the Prime Minister also stated: “An inquiry into the Ts’Peten standoff would [help ensure] that threats, intimidation, defamation and force are never again used against Indigenous people in Canada.”

The APTN report notes: “The standoff gave Wolverine a global platform that saw him travel to places like the United Nations and to Zapatista territory in Chiapas, Mexico. Kanahus Manuel, who was there at the time of his death, said Wolverine’s name is known from the Pine Ridge Oglala Lakota reservation down to Mapuche territory in Chile.”

Wolverine passed away on March 22, 2016. Almost 5 years later, his call for a public inquiry remains unfulfilled by the Canadian government.

For more, please see Gord Hill’s video Gustafsen Lake Standoff in five minutes.

These stills from RCMP surveillance footage show a truck being driven by land defenders on a dirt road at Gustafsen Lake and the aftermath of the IED explosion.

PBI-Colombia accompanies Embera defender Argemiro Bailarín Bailarín to meeting at Irish Embassy

On December 11, the Peace Brigades International-Colombia Project tweeted: “Thanks to [the Embassy of Ireland in Colombia] for their support of defenders and Indigenous peoples in Colombia especially the Embera community of Alto Guayabal in Jiguamiandó; in the #DefendamosLaVida [Let’s Defend Life] campaign framework, it is a valuable and important support to make their situation visible.”

PBI-Colombia accompanied Argemiro Bailarín Bailarín at this meeting. He is a member of the Indigenous Embera community of the Alto Guayabal Environmental Humanitarian Reserve situated in the Urada Jiguamiandó Reservation.

That reserve is located in the municipality of Carmen del Darién, department of Chocó, in the Bajo Atrato region. Chocó is in western Colombia on the border with Panama and has coastlines on both the Pacific and Atlantic oceans.

PBI-Colombia has explained: “The five different collective territories in the Bajo Atrato region, which have been historically affected by the armed conflict through numerous operations of the former FARC-EP [Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army] guerrilla, the paramilitaries and the Colombian state army, continue to struggle for the defence of their territories and the dignity of their small-scale farming, collective way of life.”

“The Afro-descendant and indigenous peoples who live in this territory also struggle to maintain their ancestral cultures in the face of external economic interests.”

It adds: “[In 2019] the Bajo Atrato region once again found itself caught in the centre of conflict: territorial control by illegal armed groups, threats to social leaders, recruitment of young people, armed combat between illegal armed groups and the confinement of indigenous peoples who face a serious humanitarian situation.”

This past July, El Espectador reported: “In Bajo Atrato in Chocó, according to [Human Rights Watch], the AGC [the paramilitary Gaitanista Self-Defence Forces of Colombia] and the ELN [National Liberation Army] guerrillas fight over control of the rivers ‘while thousands of indigenous and Afro-Colombian people are confined to their territories or they are obligated to displace to save their lives.’”

That article adds: “In fact, at least ‘seven community leaders in this area have been murdered,’ [says José Miguel Vivanco of Human Rights Watch].”

The Pulitzer Center has also reported: “In 2015, 65.9 percent of people in Chocó live under the poverty line and 40 percent live in conditions of extreme poverty. These indicators are nearly three times the poverty rate in Bogotá.”

Furthermore, it notes: “Rich in natural resources, over three-quarters of the land in Chocó is covered with tropical forests. But the forests are under threat from mining-related deforestation. Chocó is also Colombia’s top gold-producing region, attracting both multinational mining corporations and local artisanal mining.”

And Mongabay has reported: “According to CIPJ [the PBI-Colombia accompanied Inter-church Commission for Justice and Peace], cattle ranchers and palm oil and banana growers have counted on the support of the AGC paramilitary to intimidate, threaten and kill the community leaders who are defending their land from the expansion of agribusiness and commercial logging interests in the region.”

That article adds: “Chocó is where almost half of all the forest cover loss in Colombia from mining activities happens.”

Amnesty International further notes: “Over the years, the Colombian authorities have granted licenses to mining and other companies looking to exploit [the lands that people have been displaced from] and their vast natural resources.”

After the meeting on December 11, the Irish Embassy in Colombia tweeted: “It is always a pleasure to meet with Argemiro Bailarín Bailarín and hear about his work in defense of the rights of his Indigenous Reservation. We continue to be very concerned about the security situation in Bajo Atrato and the threats that it has received.”

 

Protest against fracking takes place in Bogota amid concerns about human rights, environmental harm and the climate crisis

Photo by Óscar Sampayo.

On December 11, Colombian environmental defender Óscar Sampayo tweeted: “In the Global Action Against Fracking, in Bogotá, we tell the government of Ivan Duque no to the fracking pilot projects in Colombia and Magdalena Medio.”

The protest took place on the steps of the state-owned petroleum company Ecopetrol in Bogota. It was co-organized by the Alliance for a Colombia Free of Fracking, Extinction Rebellion, Emergency Climática and Fridays For Future.

Sampayo says: “We reject this implementation and deepening of extractivism in Colombia, because it is deepening the climate chaos, the climate crisis, the climate emergency that lives the country today.”

The Alliance has also noted: “This Saturday, December 12 and Sunday, December 13, the Committee for the defense of water, life and the territory recently formed in Puerto Wilches (Santander) to oppose the fracking pilots, will hold a forum and a carnival march in rejection of the implementation of these projects.”

Ecopetrol plans to conduct a fracking “research project” called Kalé-1 in the village of Kilómetro 8 on a property known as La Belleza in the municipality of Puerto Wilches in the department of Santander in the Middle Magdalena Valley.

The drilling is expected to begin in the second half of 2021.

Beyond Ecopetrol, it is expected that Toronto-based Sintana Energy Inc. in collaboration with ExxonMobil will also pursue a fracking pilot project in the VMM-37 block in Puerto Wilches in the Middle Magdalena Valley.

Last month, Infobae reported: “18 social and environmental leaders of the Middle Magdalena were threatened with death through a pamphlet, signed by a paramilitary structure that called the ‘Black Eagles, Middle Magdalena Block’.”

Six of those threatened are members of the Alliance for a Colombia Free of Fracking, including Óscar Sampayo.

Environmentalists have called for a global ban on fracking given it “torpedoes our global efforts to tackle climate change and violates basic human rights.” Moreover, a researcher with the Columbia Center on Sustainable Investment has highlighted concerns that fracking could endanger the fragile peace process in Colombia.

These concerns about fracking should also be understood in the context of the most recent report from the Institute for Development and Peace Studies (Indepaz) that indicates 284 social, environmental and Indigenous leaders have been killed in Colombia between January 1 and December 6 of this year.

In November 2019, Peace Brigades International hosted an advocacy tour in Canada with representatives from Barrancabermeja-based CREDHOS and Bucaramanga-based CCALCP speaking against fracking. Both Barrancabermeja and Bucaramanga are located in Santander and within proximity of Puerto Wilches.

PBI-Colombia accompanies ACVC-RAN at meeting to verify human rights situation in Northeast Antioquia

On December 11, the Peace Brigades International-Colombia Project posted: “Yesterday, international day of human rights, we accompanied the Campesina Association of the Cimitarra River Valley – National Agroecological Network (ACVC-RAN) in a commission to verify the human rights situation in Northeast Antioquia.”

Northeastern Antioquia is a subregion in the department of Antioquia.

On December 3, Justice for Colombia reported: “Regions such as Cauca, Antioquia, Nariño, Chocó and Putumayo [have seen] a particularly high number of human rights violations [this year].” And in late-May, Fundacion Ideas de la Paz (FIP) reported that “the deadliest provinces for social leaders continue to be Cauca and Antioquia.”

In January, the United Nations documented that more than half of the 115 confirmed killings of human rights defenders in Colombia last year were recorded in the departments of Antioquia, Arauca, Cauca and Caquetá.

The controversial Canadian-financed Ituango hydroelectric dam on the Cauca River is also located in the department of Antioquia.

PBI-Colombia has previously noted: “PBI accompanies the ACVC who focus their work on the Campesino Reserve Zones (ZRC) and sustainable development, the development of agricultural projects in areas of education and health.”

PBI-Colombia has also explained: “The Campesino Reserve Zones are an example of community-driven resistance [that] promote food security and sustainable agriculture, challenging the economic model based on the extraction of natural resources and large-scale land exploitation through agribusiness.”

And PBI-Colombia has noted: “The hydrocarbon industry has played a fundamental role in the economic activity of the [Cimitarra River Valley] region, generating approximately 70% of the total economic value produced there.”

Further to that point, International Action for Peace has noted: “There was talk [at the Festival for Culture and Peasant Dignity in Puerto Nuevo Ité that was hosted by ACVC-RAN in 2018] about the problem of fracking and the threat of this activity in the Serranía de San Lucas and the wetlands of the Magdalena Medio.”

PBI-Colombia began accompanying ACVC-RAN in 2007 and has since expanded its accompaniment emphasizing political advocacy to raise awareness about the problems faces by the organization and the region in which they carry out their work.